More Costa Ricans seek asylum abroad; activists and media figures flee due to political persecution

The country, which has historically been a destination for refugees and forced very few of its citizens into exile, now drives hundreds to leave the national territory each year

Q COSTA RICA — As the number of Costa Ricans forced to leave the country grows each year, activists and media figures in exile hold former President Rodrigo Chaves and his political movement responsible for the violence plaguing the country.

According to official data from the Costa Rican state—compiled by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)—prior to 2022 (when Rodrigo Chaves assumed the presidency), only a few dozen Costa Ricans sought refugee status abroad. However, that figure has since risen, peaking in 2024 when 890 individuals requested this status—which guarantees special protection—from other nations.

Refugee status is granted to those who can demonstrate a well-founded fear of persecution in their country of origin. Such persecution may be based on ethnicity or skin color, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group.

Recently, media outlets have highlighted several cases involving activists, media figures, and high-profile individuals who were forced to leave the country or enroll in protection programs due to threats, abuse, and other acts of persecution directed against them.

Three of the most prominent cases involve activist and content creator Sylvia Ziesing, media personality Erick Sojo (of Radio Zurquí), and influencer Kevin López (Kevlo).

According to the individuals involved, these cases reflect rising levels of violence and polarization within Costa Rican society and demonstrate a significant decline in the country’s ability to protect all its inhabitants.

Extraordinary protection measures

Kevin López (Kevlo) is a singer and content creator who rose to prominence primarily through his satirical series, “Escuelita para jaguares” (Little School for Jaguars). The last time his followers heard from him was on August 15, when he posted the 17th episode of the series.

In the video, Kevlo explains the difference between an insult and a threat, singing: “If you insult me, you might beat me up, but if you cross the line, the OIJ is going to come knocking.”

He also explains that online threats are serious and permanent matters: “A post remains. A screenshot remains. A message remains,” he says, while displaying messages on screen that had previously been sent to him.

At the end of the video, the creator reflects on the importance of criticism, creativity, and even mockery, but urges people not to “normalize violence as political discourse.”

Since that clip was uploaded, there has been no news of him, and his social media profiles have disappeared, reported Semanario Universidad, saying it learned from a reliable source that the young man has entered a protection program and is doing well.

The Oficina de Atención y Protección a la Víctima del Delito (Office for Victim Assistance and Protection) operates within the country’s Public Prosecutor’s Office; an increasing number of Costa Ricans turn to it each year, further highlighting the escalating violence affecting the nation.

Between 2022 and July this year, 101,263 new cases were filed with that office. Furthermore, statistics show that prior to 2022, witness protection cases were few in number (88 in 2020 and 81 in 2021), but they have risen since 2022 (120 cases) and continue to climb, with 194 in 2023, 163 in 2024, 156 in 2025, and 108 in just the first seven months of 2026.

From exile

In early August, Sylvia Ziesing announced on social media that she had left the country due to political persecution.

Speaking to Semanario Universidad, she recounted that, from the start of Rodrigo Chaves’s administration, she began receiving insults and threats of all kinds from his supporters via social media; however, as time went on, the tone escalated, and she started receiving phone calls.

As she continued to publish content critical of the Chaves administration, the insults and threats intensified, and eventually, she and other colleagues began to notice they were being followed. “We would note down license plate numbers, and later, when we checked, the plate wouldn’t match the car model, for example,” she said.

Ziesing asserts that it was the Dirección de Inteligencia y Seguridad (DIS)—Directorate of Intelligence and Security, a state agency reporting to Casa Presidencial—following her and that the agency also infiltrated meetings. Furthermore, shortly thereafter, the agency filed a complaint against her (and other activist communicators) alleging an “attempted assassination of the head of state.”

“Finally, in January, I had to run an errand in Heredia, and two people—two men—approached me from behind and threatened me in the street.”

That was when she realized the only alternative was to leave the country. “People had advised me to leave earlier, but I didn’t want to. I wanted to wait for the elections so I could vote. I voted that morning, and by the afternoon, I had left.”

Ziesing says that exile has been difficult—not just professionally and financially, but also because of the loss of her support networks and his closeness to family and friends. “When someone migrates by choice or in search of a better life, they do so with the hope of a better future; being forced to leave is something else entirely.”

Shortly after Ziesing announced her exile, Erick Sojo—known as “Paisano”—did the same, stating that he had been forced into exile following insults, baseless accusations, and life-threatening threats.

He says the initial acts of persecution occurred during a pro-Cháves demonstration in 2024, involving insults and threats that eventually escalated into physical attacks.

Furthermore, in March 2024, the Office of the President sent a formal letter of protest to the Journalists’ Association, claiming that “we published without journalistic balance and fostered disinformation.”

He recounts that last year he was also targeted by government supporters—forcing him to move house—and faced baseless accusations on social media. He describes how, after his home address became known, he woke up one day to find his front gate plastered with signs, while utility poles and walls throughout the neighborhood read: “Erick Sojo—‘Este Paisano’—lives here: Rapist.” That same week, a content creator recorded a video revealing the location of his home; according to him, the comments on social media included things like “Let’s burn down that dump” and “We should go pay him a visit.”

“But what changed my life was when the DIS fabricated a story claiming I was part of a group plotting the assassination of Rodrigo Chaves,” the communicator recounted.

From then on, he was constantly followed and his home was kept under surveillance; on several occasions, people approached him to hurl insults or attack him—even when he was with his family.

“After that event in December, my son told me that—come what may, whether the opposition won or lost—I had to leave Costa Rica for a while.”

Sojo states that “it is deeply regrettable that Costa Rica’s image is being tarnished in this way, as more and more of us are forced to leave the country to protect our safety,” and asserts that what needs to change is “the hatred Rodrigo Chaves sowed among the people.”

Ziesing agreed, adding, “What needs to change in Costa Rica is the political project governing us. The ‘Chavismo’ political project has become the greatest threat to Costa Rican democracy.”

This article is a translated and adapted version of the original piece, “Más costarricenses piden refugio en el exterior; activistas y comunicadores huyen por persecución política”, published by SemanarioUniversidad.com.

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