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The Old National Stadium of Costa Rica

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Q COSTARICA — This is how our beloved Estadio Nacional (National Stadium) in La Sabana looked over fifty years ago, captured by the lens of photographer Arévalo Durán.

Opened in 1941, this legendary spot was home to countless matches featuring the Selección Nacional (National Team), thrilling Costa Rican soccer finals, civic celebrations, and memorable concerts.

For more than sixty years, the National Stadium stood as the beating heart of Costa Rica’s sports and culture—a place where some of our most exciting stories unfolded.

In 2008, it gave way to the sleek, modern stadium we know now, but its spirit remains alive in the memories of thousands across the country.

This is what our beloved National Stadium in La Sabana looked like, an image captured more than half a century ago by photographer Arévalo Durán.

Inaugurated in 1941, this iconic venue witnessed countless matches of the National Team, Costa Rican soccer finals, civic events, and unforgettable concerts.

For more than six decades, the National Stadium was the sporting and cultural heart of Costa Rica, a place where many of the most exciting chapters of our history were written.

In 2008, it was demolished to make way for the modern stadium we know today, but its legacy lives on in the memory of thousands of Costa Ricans.

Original photograph: Arévalo Durán; Posted on Facebook by TeleredCR19

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Speeding remains the leading cause of road deaths in Costa Rica

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Q COSTARICA — No surprise here. Speeding remains the deadliest factor on Costa Rican roads. Between 2022 and September 2025, it has claimed 732 lives: 192 in 2022, 204 in 2023, 175 in 2024, and 161 so far this year, according to official records.

Authorities question whether it is truly worth risking one’s own life or the lives of others to try to gain a few seconds on the road. Although many drivers think more about the fine than the human or legal consequences.

Speeding fines in Costa Rica vary depending on the speed exceeded, and they tend to get steeper the faster you drive over the limit, including points on the driver’s license and even criminal charges for driving over 150 km/h.

Exceeding the limit by more than 20 km/h results in a fine of ¢61,000 with no points; exceeding it by more than 30 km/h results in a fine of ¢123,000 with no points; exceeding it by more than 40 km/h results in a fine of ¢246,000 and 4 points on the driver’s license.

More serious violations, such as driving at more than 120 km/h, result in a fine of ¢364,000 and 6 points.

Reckless driving, which includes driving at more than 150 km/h or under the influence of alcohol, can result in prison sentences, according to the Penal Code.

Paradoxically, those who try to “save time” by driving at high speeds end up investing much more in fines, paperwork, and, in the worst cases, facing legal proceedings for causing injuries or deaths.

The statistics reinforce an undeniable message: speeding remains a constant threat on the country’s roads, with consequences that go far beyond a simple traffic violation.

Strict enforcement

Despite some local tendencies to ignore posted limits, traffic police strictly enforce speed limits and frequently use radar guns.

If you are a tourist driving a rental car, the rental agency will usually handle the fine payment and charge your credit card. They may also add an administration fee. You should inform the rental agency if you receive a ticket.

When stopped by the traffic police, you must present your valid home country’s driver’s license and your passport with a valid entry stamp.

In Costa Rica, you do not need an international driver’s license, but your foreign license is only valid for as long as your tourist visa allows, typically for visitors from North America and Europe have up to 6 months.

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Rodrigo Chaves on Randall Zúñiga: “There are five reports of rape…seems the count will continue”

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Q COSTARICA — (Updated) President Rodrigo Chaves asserted on Wednesday that he is aware of “details” regarding the accusations filed by women alleging rape by the director of the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ). He also stated that he has information about additional complaints that will be filed against the head of the judicial police.

“There are five rape allegations, the most atrocious kind. I don’t want to give details because it is utterly atrocious,” Chaves said at his weekly press conference on Wednesday, where he used the accusations against Zúñiga to further criticize him and the Judiciary.

The allegations were revealed this week and covered by the pro-government television channel Opa in a series of reports that included interviews with the women and broadcast alleged conversations and audio recordings of Randall Zúñiga with the women who now claim to be victims of sexual crimes.

“It seems the count will continue,” Chaves added, demonstrating that he had some information about the case or was lending credence to other accounts. He even added that he was aware of other circumstances: “According to what I’m told, he’s threatening and intimidating them.”

Chaves did not reveal who is informing him about the case or for what reasons, beyond the obvious public interest in the allegations against the head of the judicial police, who also allegedly shared police information from various investigations with these women.

Randall Zúñiga was suspended from his position as director for 15 business days, the Supreme Court of Justice announced this Thursday. The decision aims to give investigators time to gather evidence and potentially extend the suspension with a precautionary measure, the court said in a press release.

Zúñiga said that he was the one who proposed the temporary suspension, that he has evidence to defend himself, and that some images circulating of him are false, according to statements he made public after it was reported that his phone was seized by the Prosecutor’s Office, as a step to advance the investigations.

“I myself even promoted this action so that it could be done, considering that it is the healthiest thing to do so that the process can be given space to continue with the corresponding procedures,” Zúñiga stated, referring to the measure.

The OIJ director stated that he remains calm and confident in his innocence, relying on the principle of presumption of innocence and the objectivity of the judicial system.

“For my part, there’s a saying that’s very true: he who has nothing to hide has nothing to fear. I’m quite calm and I hope that, as a fairly objective and impartial justice system, it will run its course and in the end, it will be proven whether these accusations were true or not,” he said.

Several presidential candidates, Natalia Díaz, Claudia Dobles, Álvaro Ramos, and PUSC and Frente Amplio (FA) legislators are asking for Randall Zúñiga to be permanently removed from the OIJ, given that Zúñiga not only faces criminal charges, but also an administrative investigation by the Judiciary for these events.

Updated: The headline mistakenly named the former director of the OIJ.

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Costa Rica Elections: Your 2026 candidates for the Presidency

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Q COSTARICA — The 2026 election campaign officially began on October 1st in Costa Rica, with the call from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

This time there will be 20 candidates for President of the Republic: five fewer than four years ago, but the second-highest number in history, only below the 25 candidacies that were registered for the 2022 elections.

On October 29, the TSE drew lots to determine the order of political parties on the ballots for Costa Rica’s 2026 national elections. Twenty-one national political parties—two of them in coalition—and five provincial parties will participate in this process, vying for seats in the legislature.

The latest poll from the Center for Political Research and Studies at the University of Costa Rica (CIEP-UCR) paints a picture of complete uncertainty. Twenty-five percent of those intending to vote are leaning towards supporting the ruling party’s candidate, Laura Fernández; however, as many as 55% remain undecided.

The 19 opposition candidates, on the other hand, have the combined support of only 17.5%, primarily led by Álvaro Ramos of the Partido Liberación Nacional (7%), Claudia Dobles of the Coalición Agenda Ciudadana (3%), and Ariel Robles of the Frente Amplio (3%).

According to the university center, this scenario makes it impossible to draw any firm conclusions, beyond the fact that any outcome remains possible.

The voting is scheduled for February 1st, and if a second round is necessary to determine the President of the Republic, it would have to be held up to two months later.

The electoral roll comprises 3.7 million people over the age of 18, and the TSE  has budgeted an investment of ¢10.217 billion colones for the electoral process.

Part of that money will be allocated to pay for the 3.8 million ballots whose printing was contracted for the presidential and congressional elections.

2026 Presidential ballot
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Costa Ricans can travel to a large number of countries without a visa: Here’s the list

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Q COSTARICA — Costa Ricans can travel to a large number of countries without a visa, including popular destinations in the Americas and Europe.

Countries such as Panama, Mexico, Spain, and Italy stand out, among others in the Americas. For destinations like Cambodia and Egypt, a visa can be obtained upon arrival, and for others, such as Kenya and South Korea, a pre-approved Electronic Travel Authorization (ETA) is required.

According to information published by Visaindex.com, the Costa Rican passport allows visa-free travel to 149 countries.

Visa-free countries for Costa Ricans in 2025:

  • Americas. Virtually all countries on the continent are included. Panama, Mexico, Colombia, Chile, Argentina, and many Central American countries. Some Caribbean islands and territories, such as Bermuda, Curaçao, and Aruba, are also on the list.
  • Europe. The Costa Rican passport grants access to the entire European Union and the Schengen Area, as well as other European countries such as the United Kingdom.
  • Asia and the Middle East. Countries such as Singapore, South Korea, Japan, and the United Arab Emirates can be visited without a visa.
  • Africa. Destinations such as Botswana are also accessible to Costa Ricans without a visa.

Additional Travel Considerations:

  • Electronic Travel Authorization (ETA): Some countries that do not require a traditional visa, such as Kenya and South Korea, require you to obtain an Electronic Travel Authorization (ETA) before traveling, which is done online.
  • Visa on Arrival: There are 30 countries where you can obtain a visa directly upon arrival, such as Bangladesh, Burundi, and Egypt.
  • E-Visa: Certain countries, such as Armenia and Cuba, require you to obtain an e-Visa or electronic visa digitally, which is a different process from a traditional visa.
  • Countries with Traditional Visas: Approximately 80 destinations still require a traditional visa, such as the United States and Australia.

The following are the 7 Most Popular Visa-Free Destinations for Costa Ricans

  1. Panama, a nearby and accessible destination, is where Ticos can stay for up to 90 days without a visa. It’s ideal for quick getaways thanks to its air connectivity and diverse attractions.
  2. Mexico. With a permitted stay of up to 180 days, the destination stands out for its cultural and natural richness.
  3. Colombia offers a combination of history, nature, and urban life. Costa Rican citizens can stay in Colombia for up to 90 days without a visa.
  4. Spain. Costa Ricans can stay in Spain and other Schengen Area countries for up to 90 days without a visa.
  5.  Chile allows visa-free entry for up to 90 days.
  6. Argentina, for up to 90 days without a visa, and explore.
  7. Italy. As part of the Schengen Area, Italy allows Costa Ricans to stay for up to 90 days.

 

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What was Venezuela like before Chávez, and what was Costa Rica like before Chaves?

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RICO’s Q –  From Johnny Schmidt C: “We see striking similarities between the two countries today and what happened in the southern nation in 1999. Of course, both came to power democratically with the support of the electorate, but once in power, the story was almost identical: constant attacks on other branches of government, oversight institutions, the media, and the electoral body.

But what was the purpose of all this in Venezuela? Simply put, to lay the groundwork for what would come next: a new constitution that would allow him to seize complete power for the following decades, as indeed happened.

Chávez poisoned the Venezuelan people, blaming everything bad on those who came before, like Caldera, Pérez, Campins, Lusinchi, and Velásquez, who, along with the media and the rhetoric against all institutions, allowed a dictatorship to be established that has now lasted 25 years without the people being able to reverse the worst decision they ever made.

The Venezuelan Chávez dies and they put Maduro in power, and here (in Costa Rica) Chaves intends to temporarily impose his immaturity on us so he can return later. I’m not making this up; it’s been said repeatedly. And to be able to modify the constitution, they need 40 legislators.

Of course, we should all be worried and scared about what’s happening… because, I repeat, everything we’ve seen in these three and a half years is a carbon copy of what Venezuelans already experienced in the first years of the Chávez-Maduro dictatorship.

Laura Fernández is not a leader, she is a liar and a fraud, but for the Chaves-Cisneros plan she is ideal because they can manipulate her at will to complete their plan and seize power from all spheres, eliminating checks and balances, oversight institutions, the media, and eliminating the opposition.

Conscious Costa Rican:

I cannot believe that some of you want this for Costa Rica, and although I understand your enormous annoyance and animosity towards Arias, Calderón, Chinchilla, Solís, and Alvarado, and towards the press and institutions, this is because you have been injected with too much poison every Wednesday, and you have been made to believe that you could have something much better, that everything bad is their fault, the fault of their parties, the press, the institutions, and you have failed to see that they are leading us straight to something very bad from which it would take us many years to recover.

Every four years we have the opportunity to go to the polls to correct our course or to make big mistakes that we could always correct in the next election, but at this crucial moment in our nation’s history, we are being led into a dead end… We made mistakes in 2014 and 2018, we made mistakes again in 2022, but the worst mistakes and errors could happen in 2026 if we do not stop the attempt to lead us directly to a dictatorship.

This article is a translation and adaptation of a post by Johnny Schmidt C on Facebook. The views expressed are those of the author alone and do not represent QCostarica.com or TheQMedia.com.

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Pfizer swaps Costa Rica for Colombia

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Q COSTARICA — Pfizer, one of the world’s largest pharmaceutical firms, announced it will relocate a portion of its Costa Rican operations to Colombia, focusing on its Corporate Center for Central America and the Caribbean.

The Global Business Services Center and sales teams will remain in Costa Rica. The U.S. firm indicated that this move is part of a “strategic transformation of our operations in Latin America.”

“This will allow us to improve our ability to offer innovative healthcare solutions and focus on areas where we can generate greater benefits for Latin American patients,” the company stated.

Pfizer’s New Structures in the Region

In light of this move, Pfizer will create two new cluster structures: North Latin America (including Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and the countries of Central America and the Caribbean), headquartered in Colombia.

The other will be South Latin America (covering Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Peru, and Bolivia), based in Buenos Aires. These new clusters will take effect on December 1, 2025.

“While this change is a proactive response to an evolving business environment, our commitment to both Central America and the Caribbean, as well as to Costa Rica, remains unchanged,” the company stated.

Pfizer’s History in Costa Rica and Current Global Situation

Pfizer began operations in Costa Rica in 1950 and established its Corporate Center for Central America and the Caribbean headquarters here in 2008. From this location, it still oversees operations in 33 territories.

In 2013, it created its Global Business Services (GBS) division in Costa Rica, which offers support in finance, human resources, digital technologies, logistics planning, pharmacovigilance, and more.

The recently opened operations center, inaugurated in 2022 in Escazú Village, is the first in Latin America designed with a focus on diversity, equity, and inclusion.

This facility houses professionals from diverse areas who support Pfizer’s global operations.

Since reaching their peak during the pandemic, Pfizer’s stock has lost more than half its value. This reflects the drop in revenue from its COVID-19-related products and the upcoming expiration of patents for key medications.

In response, the company launched an ambitious cost-cutting program.

Pfizer projects achieving net savings of US$7.2 billion by the end of 2027, of which US$4.5 billion would be achieved before 2025.

Other departures from Costa Rica

Two other companies, Intel and Qorvo, both dedicated to the semiconductor sector, announced some time ago that they were withdrawing their operations from Costa Rica, either partially or completely.

Intel, in a statement issued by the company in July, indicated that it would gradually close its Assembly and Testing (ATM) plant located in Belén, Heredia. These operations will be transferred to Malaysia and Vietnam over the next few months.

Intel reported that this decision follows a thorough review of the business. It also stated that the changes aim to drive greater efficiency and utilization of its global manufacturing network.

In the case of Qorvo, after 29 years of operating in Costa Rica, it ended its operations in the country, as confirmed by the Foreign Trade Promoter (Procomer).

“The decision to cease Qorvo’s operations in Costa Rica was made at the beginning of this year and was part of a global corporate strategy focused on closer ties with its main markets and suppliers in Asia,” Procomer said at the time.

 

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Costa Rica: The Country with More Cars Than Babies Per Year

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Q COSTARICA — It’s a statistic that stops you in your tracks: in Costa Rica, more cars are registered each year than babies born. For a country famous for its lush rainforests, vibrant culture, and “Pura Vida” way of life, this unexpected fact paints a curious picture of its shifting priorities and evolving landscape.

Costa Rica’s birth rate has been steadily declining for decades. Families are choosing to have fewer children, influenced by urbanization, increased access to education, and improved healthcare.

In the 1970s, the average woman bore more than four children, but today that figure hovers just above 1.7 — below the population replacement level. This demographic transition is driven by multiple factors: increased urbanization, widespread access to education, especially for women, greater economic opportunities, and comprehensive healthcare programs that have reduced infant mortality rates; families simply don’t feel the need to have large numbers of children anymore.

More and more women in Costa Rica prefer not to have children, or if they do, it is at an older age.

Social attitudes have also evolved — aspirations are shifting toward quality of life and personal fulfillment over large families traditionally seen as economic or social support networks.

Meanwhile, the surge in car ownership is striking. Over 150,000 new vehicles—mostly private cars and small SUVs—are registered annually, outpacing the approximately 120,000 babies born each year.

Rising incomes from sectors like tourism, technology, and agriculture have empowered many Costa Ricans to buy personal vehicles. The nation’s roads and highways have expanded, but they struggle to keep pace with the exponential growth in cars. With limited investment and efficiency concerns around public transit, especially in rural or mountainous regions, cars have become synonymous with freedom and modern convenience.

What’s behind the surge in cars? For one, economic growth has put new purchasing power in the hands of many Costa Ricans.

Owning a car no longer feels like a luxury; it’s becoming part of daily life. While public transportation does exist, its limits make personal vehicles more attractive, especially in a country where mountainous terrain can make travel tricky.

But this trend comes at a cost. The roads swell with traffic, and the country faces rising pollution levels that challenge its green reputation.

This rapid motorization, however, complicates Costa Rica’s reputation as an eco-paradise. The country is lauded worldwide for its pioneering environmental policies — it runs on over 98% renewable electricity, has ambitious plans to become carbon neutral, and protects roughly a quarter of its landmass in national parks and reserves. Yet, the rise in vehicles contributes to growing air pollution and congestion in urban centers like San José, jeopardizing air quality and carbon reduction goals.

The government faces a tough balancing act: fostering economic development and individual mobility without sacrificing environmental stewardship.

Regional disparities also illustrate a nuanced picture. Urban areas see the highest concentration of new cars and the sharpest drops in birthrate, while rural communities maintain larger families but have less vehicle access. Migration from countryside to cities accelerates these trends, reshaping social dynamics and infrastructure needs.

Behind the numbers lies a broader story about how Costa Rica is navigating the crossroads of tradition and modernity. The decline in birthrate reflects not just demographic shifts but deep cultural and economic evolution. Families are smaller, more urban-centric, and focused on education and careers. Meanwhile, cars symbolize rising aspirations, the pull of convenience, and the complex costs of modernization.

So, Costa Rica’s unusual statistic of more cars than babies each year isn’t just a quirky headline — it’s a mirror reflecting a society in transition, striving to reconcile its commitment to nature with the realities of twenty-first century growth.

The roaring engines may now accompany the lullabies of childhood, but they also signal new challenges and choices for this beautiful country’s future.

 

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Understanding the U.S. Immigration Process: What Every Applicant Should Know

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Immigrating to the United States can be an exciting but complicated journey. Whether you’re seeking new job opportunities, reuniting with family, or pursuing education and a better quality of life, the U.S. immigration system requires patience, preparation, and precision. With multiple visa categories, lengthy timelines, and detailed documentation, it’s easy to feel overwhelmed.

Understanding the process, and the role of experienced legal guidance, can make the difference between a smooth path to approval and months of unnecessary delay or rejection.

The Basics of U.S. Immigration

The U.S. immigration system is built around several key categories, each serving different purposes. The two main types of immigration status are nonimmigrant and immigrant visas. Nonimmigrant visas are temporary and allow individuals to enter the country for a specific purpose, such as tourism, study, temporary work, or medical treatment. Immigrant visas are for those seeking permanent residence, commonly known as a green card.

Applicants must choose the right category for their goals and meet the eligibility requirements associated with that visa type. Mistakes in selecting or completing the correct application can cause months of delay or even disqualification.

Common Immigration Pathways

Each applicant’s journey looks different depending on their reason for coming to the United States. Some of the most common paths include:

  •         Family-based immigration. U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents can petition for certain relatives to immigrate.
  •         Employment-based immigration. Workers with specialized skills, job offers, or extraordinary ability may qualify through employer sponsorship.
  •         Humanitarian relief. Refugees, asylum seekers, and certain crime victims may seek protection under humanitarian programs.
  •         Diversity Visa Lottery. Applicants from underrepresented countries can enter a yearly lottery for permanent residency.
  •         Student and exchange programs. Educational visas, such as the F-1 or J-1, allow individuals to study or train temporarily in the U.S.

Each of these categories has its own requirements, documentation, and approval process, so it pays to seek expert counseling.

The Role of the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS)

The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) is the primary agency responsible for processing most immigration applications. It handles petitions for visas, green cards, naturalization, and various permits.

Applications to USCIS often require a combination of forms, supporting evidence, and filing fees. The agency may also request additional documentation or schedule interviews. Because USCIS backlogs can delay processing times for months or even years, accuracy and completeness on the first submission are essential. Even small mistakes can lead to costly delays or outright denials.

Key Steps in the Immigration Process

While each case varies, most immigration processes involve several core steps.

  1.   Determine eligibility. Identify the correct visa or immigration category and verify that you meet all requirements.
  2.   File a petition or application. In family- and employment-based cases, a U.S. citizen, resident, or employer usually initiates the petition.
  3.   Submit supporting documentation. This may include financial records, identification, relationship evidence, or employment contracts.
  4.   Attend biometrics and interviews. Applicants may need to provide fingerprints, photographs, and attend in-person interviews at a consulate or USCIS office.
  5.   Wait for a decision. Processing times vary significantly depending on case type and location.
  6.   Receive approval and complete entry or adjustment of status. Successful applicants receive a visa, green card, or approval notice allowing them to live or work in the U.S. legally.

Because immigration is a federal system, the rules apply nationwide, but local offices and consulates sometimes interpret regulations differently, which is another reason to seek professional guidance.

Avoiding Common Mistakes

One of the biggest misconceptions about U.S. immigration is that forms alone determine success; you also need sufficient evidence. Every claim made in an application must be backed by evidence that meets strict legal standards.

Common mistakes include submitting incomplete documentation, missing deadlines, or misunderstanding eligibility criteria. For example, a person applying for a green card through marriage must demonstrate the relationship’s authenticity with photographs, joint financial records, and correspondence. Weak or inconsistent evidence can raise red flags.

Similarly, failing to update USCIS about address changes or missing an interview notice can cause an application to be deemed abandoned. Careful record-keeping and communication can prevent these pitfalls.

The Importance of Legal Representation

Immigration law is one of the most technical and fast-changing areas of the U.S. legal system. Even small differences in interpretation can alter an applicant’s future. A knowledgeable immigration attorney helps ensure compliance, prevents errors, and can intervene if an application is delayed, denied, or referred for additional review.

Lawyers also represent clients in immigration court, during appeals, and before federal agencies. In more complex cases, experienced representation is critical. Having an attorney doesn’t just increase your chances of success (though it does do that); it can provide peace of mind throughout an often stressful process.

Immigrating Successfully

The U.S. immigration process is challenging, but it’s also achievable with the right preparation and support. Understanding each step, including choosing the correct visa, filing accurately, responding to government requests, and maintaining status, sets the foundation for success.

 

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Street parking is generally not permitted on a Costa Rica’s national roads

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My illegally parked vehicle,

RICO’s Q — Over the last ten days, the Policia de Transito, the national traffic police, have been conducting sweeps along Avenida 2 of the Ruta 121 or the “old road to Escazú” in Santa Ana’s central district.

They’ve been targeting parked cars, sometimes on both sides of the one-way street.

Street parking in Costa Rica can be a mixed bag, depending on where you are. In bigger cities like San José, it’s pretty common to find street parking, but don’t expect it to be easy or free. Most street parking spots are paid zones, especially in commercial areas. You’ll usually see parking meters.

In Santa Ana, there are no such meters, and street parking is totally free. You can park basically anywhere outside the marked ‘yellow zones’ or official “No Estacionar” signs—those mean no parking.

If you leave your car illegally parked, the fine is ¢61,000 colones, and confiscation of license plates and/or towing by the Policia de Transito is a real risk.

In short, street parking in Costa Rica is doable but comes with some local quirks—pay attention to signs, keep change handy (in cities like San José, parking meters are operated via an app), and always park responsibly to save yourself from fines or towing.

When it comes to national roads, that’s where it gets interesting. Though the local municipality enforces parking, its authority is on town roads and not national roads like the Ruta 121.

For that, we have to refer to the Ley de Transito (Traffic Law), which sets out that parking is generally not permitted on Costa Rica’s national roads unless specifically posted and the vehicle does not obstruct traffic. The law prohibits parking in places such as sidewalks, pedestrian crossings, near intersections, or where posted signs prohibit it. Parking in front of fire hydrants, schools, hospitals, or garages is also prohibited, among others.

And that is where the confusion lies.

In towns like Santa Ana that have a national road, that, other than its designation as a national road, looks and feels like any other road in the town, with potholes and all. But for the parking rule.

Last week, in the afternoon hours, typically after 3:00 pm, the Policia de Transito has been out (except when it is raining) in full force, informing, at times bullying, drivers parked illegally, who, like myself, didn’t think they were parking illegally.

In my case, I will normally park my vehicle in front of my pizza store. Have been doing this for some time. And never a problem. Until Wednesday, when I heard the distinct sound of a police vehicle and noticed a Transito officer behind my panel van. After a brief conversation with one of the two traffic officials, I was told to move my vehicle (to a side street) or risk having my license plate confiscated. Their warning was clear and left no room for misunderstanding.

My illegally parked vehicle

My neighbours also moved their vehicles or face the same sanction.

Naturally, the Mayor of Santa Ana, Juan José Vargas, is taking the heat from drivers and commerce, although it not being his doing. Vargas recently addressed in a video on his Facebook profile the comments circulating on social media about the operations and fines issued by the Traffic Police.

Vargas dismissed the posts linking him to these actions as “lies” and asserted that he has no connection with the operations, which, he stated, fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministerio de Obras Públicas y Transportes (MOPT)—Ministry of Public Works and Transportation—as they involve a national road.

Furthermore, the Mayor attributed the criticism on social media to people who no longer work for the municipality and who, he said, were acting out of resentment.

While researching for this article, I found some other interesting (silly, in my opinion) rules of street parking in Costa Rica:

  • Every parked vehicle must keep the emergency brake on.
  • In urban areas, the vehicle’s tires must be kept no more than 30 centimeters from the curb.
  • Cargo vehicles weighing more than two tons must be wedged with the required wheel chocks.

Now you know.

 

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Costa Rica’s ‘top cop’ under criminal investigation

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Q COSTARICA — The Ministerio Publico (Public Prosecutor’s Office) confirmed that it is processing a criminal case against the director of the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ) —Judicial Investigation Agency—, Randall Zúñiga, following a complaint filed on Friday, October 24, by a woman in the southern zone.

The Public Prosecutor’s Office reports that the incident happened in January 2025, in the Corredores area.

According to the official statement, the case is under file number 25-000359-1883-PE and is being handled by the Gender Unit of the Corredores Deputy Prosecutor’s Office.

The investigation is being conducted in coordination with the OIJ’s Specialized Section on Gender Violence, which has already carried out a series of procedures requested by the Prosecutor’s Office to gather evidence.

“At the request of the Prosecutor’s Office, this section has already carried out the necessary investigative procedures to gather relevant evidence for the prosecution of the criminal case, while additional investigations and forensic work are ongoing,” the Public Prosecutor’s Office reported.

The statement adds that, from the beginning, the victim has received interdisciplinary support from the Office for the Assistance and Protection of Victims of Crime, including a risk assessment and psychological support, in accordance with the protocols established by Law 8720 for the protection of victims of sexual crimes and gender-based violence.

Without special jurisdiction

The Public Prosecutor’s Office emphasized that Zúñiga does not enjoy any special protection or immunity due to his position within the Judiciary, so the investigation is being conducted under the ordinary procedure, with prosecutorial personnel specialized in gender matters.

The Prosecutor’s Office also emphasized that it works independently and objectively, and that its priority is to secure the necessary evidence to establish the “real truth” of the reported events.

Reaction from the Director

Shortly before the Prosecutor’s Office’s statement, Randall Zúñiga issued a public statement in which he categorically denied the accusations and confirmed that he will withdraw from any involvement or contact with the internal investigation.

“I categorically reject this statement. There is already an open investigation by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and, under the principle of transparency, I will withdraw from any involvement or connection with this case,” Zúñiga stated.

Zúñiga said he stepped back from the case to keep things consistent institutionally, given that the OIJ, under his leadership, might play a supporting role in the investigation.

“Under the principle of transparency, I will withdraw from any involvement or connection with this investigation,” he stated.

Zúñiga also called for respect for the principle of the presumption of innocence, emphasizing that no person can be considered guilty without a final judicial process.

“There is a principle of the presumption of innocence, according to which no person, even if a complaint is filed against them, is guilty beforehand. Under this principle, I will await the results of the Public Prosecutor’s Office in order to exercise all necessary defenses on my behalf,” he stated.

Profile of a leader under public scrutiny

Zúñiga, 49, was ratified by the Full Court as director of the OIJ in August 2023, after serving for months as deputy director and interim director. His tenure has been characterized by an active presence in police operations and clashes with the Executive Branch, especially with President Rodrigo Chaves, due to budget cuts to the Judiciary.

On several occasions, Zúñiga has defended the institution’s independence and its right to sufficient resources for criminal investigations. In 2025, he responded directly to criticism from President Chaves, stating that the OIJ “does not work to the tune or rhythm of the politicians in power.”

The Public Ministry reiterated that the case remains under preliminary investigation, a stage in which additional investigations and forensic examinations are carried out to determine whether there are grounds for a possible charge.

 

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Why does Chavismo want 40 legislators in 2026?

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Q COSTARICA — President Rodrigo Chaves said it. Legislator Pilar Cisneros has repeated it. And presidential candidate Laura Fernández has also mentioned it on several occasions.

The Chavismo, a political movement or stance in Costa Rica that aligns itself with the ideas of President Rodrigo Chaves, in addition to maintaining its government, is aiming to win 40 or more legislative seats in the 2026 elections.

Why do they want them?

The Costa Rican Legislative Assembly requires 38 (of the 57) votes—a clear majority—to pass significant reforms.

Pilar Cisneros, leader of the ruling party and an active member of presidential candidate Laura Fernández’s communications team, highlighted several key goals they aim to accomplish with the new majority of legislators for the 2026-2030 term.

“40 legislators is our dream; we don’t really know how many we’ll get. The more the better, it seems to me, because what we are convinced of is that this country needs major reforms and transformations, and all these major reforms and transformations require 38 representatives, so the more we have, the easier it will be,” she noted.

These reforms and transformations are intended to be made to the Supreme Court of Justice, the Comptroller General’s Office, and also to the Political Constitution.

“To name a few, we want to make changes to the Administrative Contracting Law, changes to the FEES, for example. I mean, it’s not that we want to stop giving money to universities, never, but to establish clear rules of the game about what they have to comply with, the accounts they have to provide, because now they don’t provide any accounts for anything; how it should be distributed, for example,” the legislator stated about some of the reforms.

Court and Comptroller’s Office

At the Supreme Court of Justice, some of the most important reforms Cisneros points out they would seek in the next four-year term include removing the Constitutional Court or Sala IV, as it is popularly known, the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ) —Judicial Investigation Agency—, and the Attorney General’s Office.

“Make them independent so they are not part of the Court. All of this requires 38 votes,” she responded.

This also applies to the election of magistrates, who serve for eight years and can be reappointed, if the Assembly supports them, for consecutive terms.

According to Cisneros, the maximum term magistrates should serve is 16 years; that is, only one reelection. However, candidate Laura Fernández proposes in her government plan a maximum term of 10 years.

“We need new blood, new people, people with a different mindset,” Cisneros stated.

Candidate Fernández also mentioned all of these issues during the presentation of her government plan.

Of the 22 current Full Court justices, 13 will expire between 2026 and 2030.

Cisneros mentioned the same change for the Comptroller General’s Office, where Marta Acosta has held the position since 2012 and was reelected in 2020. Her term will end in 2028.

“Why is the comptroller general going to stay for 30 years, 40 years in one position? I think that’s not healthy,” the legislator stated.

“So yes, indeed, we would implement, let’s say, drastic reforms,” she warned.

Introduce trusted people?

Replace the magistrates, the comptroller, and others whose terms are ending and appoint trusted people. That seems to be the mission Chavismo wants, and that’s why they require more than 38 legislators, because that way they wouldn’t need political negotiation and agreements with other political groups.

However, for Cisneros, it’s not a matter of appointing trusted people from Chavismo, but rather changing the mindset of the people who assume the positions.

“I’m not saying people the government trusts; I’m saying people committed to the country,” she responded, immediately affirming that for a long time, the two-party system governed this country and placed its own people in key positions.

“What was the problem when the two-party system, Liberación (PLN) and Unidad (PUSC), held 80% to 90% of all representatives for 50 years?” she asked.

“There was no problem then, neither for democracy, nor for the country, nor for anything. They did what they wanted, they molded this country in their image and likeness, and no one stopped to say, ‘Look, they’ve had 40, 45, 50 years of absolute dominance in the Legislative Assembly.’”

Cisneros also expanded on the reforms Chavismo wants for the country and why Chavismo needs an absolute majority in Congress: changing the referendum law is one of their objectives.

There’s also the possibility of consecutive presidential reelection, reiterating that they don’t want it indefinitely, but they do want a president to be able to serve two consecutive terms.

“If you have a good president, who has done a good job, why are you going to send him home?” the representative concluded.

Costa Rica has a unique stance when it comes to presidential re-election. The President of Costa Rica and the vice presidents are elected for a four-year term by the people. From 1969 to 2005, the president was barred from seeking reelection.

After the amendment banning reelection was overturned by the Supreme Court in 2005, an incumbent president became eligible to run again after waiting for at least eight years after leaving office.

Basically, it reflects the country’s history and the hard-earned lessons from past political battles in the region, to safeguard its democratic roots.

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IMN warns that Hurricane Melissa’s influence will continue in Costa Rica until Tuesday

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Q COSTARICA — Costa Rica’s national weather service, the Instituto Meteorológico Nacional (IMN), warned that the indirect effects of Hurricane Melissa will continue to affect Costa Rica at least until Tuesday.

According to the weather advisory, the regions most affected are in the South and Central Pacific.

“The indirect effects of the hurricane remain present in the South Pacific, with heavy downpours and rain beginning this morning and into the morning,” the IMN reported.

“Heavy downpours and continuous rain are reported on the Osa Peninsula, with accumulated rainfall of 10 to 50 millimeters in the last six hours, and maximums of up to 90 millimeters in Puerto Jiménez,” it stated.

Rainfall by region

According to expert forecasters, variable cloudiness and intense downpours are expected over the next few days, especially in the early mornings and early mornings on the South Pacific coasts.

“Variable-intensity rains are forecast for this Sunday over most of the South Pacific, with the heaviest accumulations on the coasts and lowlands of that region,” the Institute stated.

There are also showers with thunderstorms in the mountainous Central Pacific and isolated ones on the coasts.

“Accumulated rainfall over the 12- to 24-hour period is expected to range from 40 to 70 mm, with maximums of 90 to 150 mm, due to the increase in rainfall since early Monday, specifically in the coastal South Pacific,” the IMN stated.

While for the Northern Zone, there will be short-lived, heavy rains in the morning, with isolated showers in the afternoon.

For the Caribbean regions, isolated heavy showers with thunderstorms are expected in the afternoon and evening. Accumulated rainfall is expected between 15 and 40 mm, with maximums of 70 mm.

Regarding the Central Valley, rain is expected, with scattered showers and thunderstorms, as well as the possibility of fog banks at night and early morning.

The North Pacific region will experience this type of precipitation in the southeast of the region. Accumulated rainfall is between 20 and 40 mm, with a maximum of 65 mm.

Read more: Recommendations for drivers during rain and flooding in Costa Rica

Saturated Soils

The IMN also warns that soils in the South Pacific are already saturated, increasing the risk of flooding and landslides, especially in low-lying areas and prone areas such as the Osa Peninsula.

“Special caution is recommended in these areas prone to recurring precipitation events during these days,” the agency warned.

Also recommended:

  • Caution in areas prone to flooding, due to the possible saturation of streams or sewage systems due to water accumulation.
  • Prevention in the event of a thunderstorm.
  • If strong gusts develop or are perceived near storm clouds, it is recommended to seek shelter in a safe location, as tree branches and power lines could fall. These gusts can reach up to 80 km/h (50 mph) in isolated cases.

Hurricane Melissa Category 4

According to the National Hurricane Center (NHC), Melissa is currently a Category 4 hurricane, with maximum sustained winds of 220 km/h (140 mph) and a slow westward movement of 6 km/h (3.7 mph).

The system is located approximately 180 kilometers south of Kingston, Jamaica, and continues to strengthen in the central Caribbean.

Although Costa Rica is not directly affected by the cyclone, its proximity keeps the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITC) very active over the country, which is generating atmospheric instability and persistent rain.

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Recommendations for drivers during rain and flooding in Costa Rica

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Q COSTARICA — Costa Rica’s rainy season hits hard and fast, and it seriously changes the driving game. October is by far the toughest month of the rainy season.

This year’s rainy season has been particularly intense.

Because of this, experts are urging all drivers—locals and visitors alike, especially tourists unfamiliar with Costa Rica’s intense rains—to exercise extra caution to keep themselves and others safe while driving.

“If we encounter heavy rain and the road has a lot of accumulated water, it is best to slow down, because the reduction in tire grip on the asphalt can lead to loss of steering control. It is better to avoid continuing on this route and find alternative routes or a safe place to wait for the water level to recede,” said Hugo Martínez, Regional Manager of Autopits.

Although vehicles are designed to operate in the rain, Martínez explained that immersion in deep puddles can affect the electrical system, the vehicle’s computer, the battery, the engine, the combustion cylinders, and even the upholstery, depending on the magnitude of the incident.

Costa Rica’s puddles are more than just simple puddles left behind by rain

In Costa Rica, the rainy season shows off a quirky side of its roads — the puddles. These aren’t your ordinary splashes; they can be deep, sudden, and tricky enough to give drivers a real challenge. For locals and visitors alike, puddles are less about a quick splash and more about testing your driving skills and patience.

Puddles hide potholes and uneven surfaces, tempting drivers to slow down or swerve — neither of which guarantees safety. Sometimes, the puddles are so large, they blur the edges of the road, making it hard to stay on track without drifting into traffic or soft shoulders.

For many drivers, it’s a game of cautious guesswork. Step in too fast, and you risk hydroplaning or damaging your car. Brake too hard, and you might lose control. Locals often learn the art of reading the road — knowing which puddles to skirt and which to face head-on.

Visitors, ie, tourists, on the other hand, might feel caught off guard.

Preventive Maintenance

During the rainy season, preventive maintenance becomes a key practice to ensure the proper functioning of vehicles.

The main aspects to check are:

  • Tires: Check that they are in good condition and have the proper pressure. Worn tires reduce grip on the road and prevent proper water drainage.
  • Brakes: Excessive wear or use can compromise braking performance and cause accidents. Unusual noises are a sign that you need to visit a specialized center.
  • Lights: It is vital that all lights work properly to communicate maneuvers and ensure visibility in low-light conditions or heavy rain.
  • Interior and exterior visibility: Keep the wiper blades in good condition, fill the windshield washer fluid reservoir, and ensure the air conditioning is working properly to defog the windows when necessary.

“Prevention makes the difference. That’s why we recommend drivers inspect their vehicles regularly and have them serviced by expert technicians. Additionally, be aware that in winter, driving requires greater caution and attention to everything that’s happening around us,” concluded Martínez.

Life moves a bit slower here in October

While the sunlight hides behind thick clouds, it’s never gone for long. Breaks in the rain create fleeting moments of golden light that dance on wet leaves and shimmering rivers.

In Costa Rica’s rainy season, the world feels alive in a different way — a little quieter, a little wetter, and endlessly full of promise.

Weather forecast for today, Monday, October 27, 2025:

The first few days of the week begin with the indirect effects of Hurricane Melissa, which will continue to generate variable rainfall throughout the day in the South Pacific. It will also adjust the position and increase the activity of the Intertropical Convergence Zone over Costa Rica.

This atmospheric configuration will favor a humid and unstable environment, conducive to precipitation. In the morning, showers are again expected over the Osa Peninsula, the Central Pacific coast, and points near the Nicoya Peninsula.

Scattered showers and downpours are expected in the afternoon, extending to the mountains of the rest of the Pacific coast.

In addition, rain with possible isolated showers and thunderstorms are expected in the Central Valley, the mountains of the Northern Zone, and the western Caribbean.

Get the official weather forecast and information from Costa Rica’s national weather service, the Instituto Meteorológico Nacional de Costa Rica (IMN), here.

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What caused the accident that killed presidential candidate Eli Feinzaig’s advisor?

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Q COSTARICA — Lane invasion is the preliminary cause of the fatal accident that killed Ericka Benavides, advisor to legislator and presidential candidate Eli Feinzaig of the Partido Liberal Progresista (PLP), on Friday.

This is the main line of investigation in the case, according to the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ). The presidential candidate, his advisor, and a driver were traveling in the pickup truck.

According to the OIJ, the pickup truck lost control and allegedly invaded the opposite lane, where the big truck was traveling.

This resulted in a head-on collision with a truck in Buenos Aires de Palmares on Route 1 on Friday, October 24, around 11 a.m.

“The pickup truck, for reasons still unknown, lost control and allegedly crossed into the oncoming lane. As a result, it collided head-on with a truck,” the OIJ reported.

The woman who died in the accident was a candidate for legislator. According to TSE records, she was elected 17th on the PLP ballot for San José.

The 56-year-old woman leaves behind two surviving children: a 36-year-old and a 31-year-old; she was also a cancer survivor.

In February, she graduated with a law degree from the University of Costa Rica (UCR), specializing in Technology, E-Commerce, and Telecommunications.

Feinzaig, who underwent surgery on his sternum over the weekend, deeply thanked all those who have shown concern and interest, expressing that he is in good health but devastated by the news of his friend and colleague and by the condition of Fabián Cascante, 35, the driver of the pickup, who is in critical condition at the hospital.

“We are deeply saddened by the loss of Ericka, a committed, cheerful, and generous colleague. On behalf of the entire team, I send my condolences and my love to her family and loved ones… We ask, please, that you understand this moment we are going through,” Feinzaig said from his hospital bed.

Regarding the health condition of the truck driver, identified by the surname Trigueros, 39, the Caja Costarricense de Seguro Social (CCSS) reported that he was in stable condition at the Grecia hospital.

 

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Tropical Storm Melissa remains almost stationary and will continue to influence the weather in Costa Rica

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Q COSTARICA — Tropical Storm Melissa has generated great uncertainty this week. Since Monday, it has rapidly ascended, reaching a 90% chance of formation in just two days, but by Tuesday morning, it had officially become a tropical storm.

However, it has since remained almost stationary in the Caribbean Sea and has not evolved into a hurricane. This combination of rapid origin and minimal movement is raising concerns in the region.

Meanwhile, the national weather service, the Instituto Meteorológico Nacional (IMN), warns that Costa Rica will continue to be under the indirect influence of this system, with increased moisture in the South and Central Pacific.

“Tropical Storm Melissa remains over the Caribbean Sea. The amplitude and slowness of this disturbance are modulating the circulation of the Intertropical Convergence Zone, bringing a slight increase in moisture to the south of the country this Thursday and beyond,” reported the IMN.

“There remains some uncertainty regarding the evolution of the tropical storm. The most recent analyses indicate that the country will continue to be under the indirect influence (low to moderate) of this system during the second half of the week, especially in the Central and South Pacific,” itadded.

“It looks good, but it isn’t”

To better understand the behavior of this system in the Caribbean, Cuban meteorologist José Rubiera offered a precise explanation of what is happening within the system.

“It looks very good, but it isn’t. It has strong currents in the upper atmosphere that are pushing all the cloudiness eastward,” he noted.

According to Rubiera, the center of circulation is located outside the cloud layer, which means the system’s column is tilted.

“As long as it’s not vertical, it won’t develop,” he explained.

Furthermore, there are no currents driving it. Wednesday’s analysis indicates it is moving at 1 km/h (0.6 mph), almost stationary.

“This slowness causes the track cone to be practically a circle, with high uncertainty about where it will move,” he noted.

Possible Intensification in Warm Waters

Rubiera warned that over the weekend, the wind shear limiting development will diminish.

If the system manages to align vertically and remain over warm waters of 30°C to 31°C (86°F to 88°F), it could intensify rapidly.

“It will literally explode in intensity when it reaches that area, because the heat content of the sea is extremely high,” he added.

He also noted that a stronger trough, descending from the southeastern United States, could capture Melissa and deflect it northward or northeastward, increasing the risk for Jamaica, Haiti, and Cuba.

Meanwhile, meteorologist Irina Katchan indicated that on Thursday, Melissa was located approximately 355 km east of Kingston, Jamaica, with maximum sustained winds of 75 km/h (45 mph) and moving northwest at 4 km/h (2.5 mph).

“Melissa is expected to begin intensifying within 48 hours, becoming a hurricane within 48 hours, and a major hurricane within 72 hours, reaching a maximum intensity of 225 km/h (140 mph) within 96 hours,” indicated the specialist, who warned of the cyclone’s formation in Caribbean waters last week.

If this forecast is confirmed, Melissa would become a Category 4 hurricane.

According to international organizations and experts, the following are expected to evolve into the system in the following hours:

  • Within 48 hours, Melissa could reach Category 1 hurricane strength.
  • Within 72 hours, models point to a major hurricane (Category 3).
  • Within 96 hours, it could reach Category 4 status, with winds close to 225 km/h, if the system’s organization consolidates.

Effect on Costa Rica

Regarding the influence that Melissa may have on Costa Rica in the coming days, the updated IMN report emphasizes an indirect influence.

“The Intertropical Convergence Zone remains active and will be modulated by Melissa throughout the forecast period until Wednesday, October 29,” the IMN weekly report states.

“The country will continue to be under the indirect influence of this system, concentrated mainly in the South Pacific, where frequent rains and moderate to heavy downpours are expected,” the Meteorological Institute warned.

Also expected are short-lived heavy rains and thunderstorms in the Central Pacific and Central Valley and Occasional downpours in the Northern Zone and the Caribbean, especially over the weekend.

At this time, national experts do not foresee a direct impact from the cyclone on the country, but they do anticipate an increase in humidity that will keep the weather unstable and rainy.

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Poás Volcano recorded its second eruption of the week

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Q COSTARICA — The Poás Volcano registered a new phreatic eruption Thursday morning, according to the Volcanological and Seismological Observatory (OVSICORI).

The event occurred at 11:42 a.m. and was visible via webcams. Experts also received reports from tourists and National Park officials.

“Those present confirmed the presence of a plume of ash and wet sediments,” the OVSICORI reported.

According to the report, the column rose approximately 40 meters above the crater floor, between fumarole vents A and C, with vigorous emission of water vapor, gases, and ash.
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“Poás has increased its level of activity in the last two weeks, with phreatic eruptions that include the ejection of hot rocks, sediments, and wet ash, all falling into the crater,” the experts emphasize.

On October 21, the volcano also recorded a phreatic eruption, expelling incandescent blocks about 100 meters away.

“This eruption occurred at Mouth A and expelled incandescent blocks with a column of water vapor and gases up to 500 meters above the active crater,” said volcanologist Maarten de Moor.

Also on that occasion, the specialist noted that no precursory signals were detected before the event, reinforcing the sudden nature of this type of phreatic manifestation.

Phreatic Eruptions

Experts emphasize that these explosions occur when the heat of magma comes into contact with groundwater, generating sudden expansions of steam and hot rock fragments, without necessarily causing the rise of new magma.

Given this activity and the history of the massif, Ovsicori maintains constant surveillance of the Poás Volcano and maintains the “warning” level.

For its part, the Poás Volcano National Park remains open to the public, with a special safety protocol and constant monitoring.

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Government in no hurry to regulate mopeds and motorized bicycles

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Q COSTARICA — The Cosevi technical report on the regulations for the use of mopeds and motorized bicycles (bicimoto) on public roads has been awaiting approval for almost a year, as the use of these vehicles increases.

The government has kept the issue of motorized bicycles and mopeds unresolved, despite the Consejo de Seguridad Vial (Cosevi) – Road Safety Council – recommendations for their regulation at the end of 2023.

The document analyzes road risks, the need to establish minimum safety requirements, and options for defining whether or not these vehicles should require a driver’s license, vehicle registration, and technical inspections.

Last March, the then Deputy Minister of Transportation, Carlos Ávila, stated that the issue would be taken up again “after Easter.” Four months later, the minister indicated that there were “other more urgent issues,” including the appointment of the Council’s new executive director and procurement for the Traffic Police.

The Cosevi and the Ministry of Public Works and Transport (MOPT) have discussed a series of measures to regulate the use of mopeds and motorized bicycles, but none have been formally approved.

Among the options that have been analyzed is the mandatory wearing of helmets, reflective vests, and front and rear lights, especially during nighttime. These measures seek to reduce the vulnerability of drivers, who often travel without protective equipment or adequate lighting.

Also proposed is the requirement of a type A1 driver’s license, registration, and technical inspection for mopeds, which Cosevi considers low-cylinder motorcycles. However, authorities acknowledge that implementing these requirements would be complex, as many of these vehicles are homemade or low-cost adaptations.

Under this scheme, vehicles that exceed 25 kilometers per hour or lack functional pedals would be classified as light motorcycles and would require a license and mandatory insurance.

 

A growing and poorly controlled phenomenon

The use of mopeds and motorized bicycles has multiplied in recent years, driven by their low cost and the rise of home delivery apps.

According to the Cosevi legal criteria, a motorized bicycle is classified as a low-cylinder motorcycle (with a cylinder capacity of less than 50 cc for gasoline or 5 kW for electrics), which requires an A1 license, registration, vehicle registration, and a technical inspection.

On the other hand, a motorized bicycle is still considered a bicycle as long as it has functional pedals and human traction, so it does not require a license or vehicle registration and technical reviews, although it does require the use of a helmet, reflective clothing, and lights when riding at night.

Traffic authorities acknowledge that there are still no official figures on the number of accidents involving these vehicles, but they admit that the motorcycle accident rate remains high: in 2023, half of all road fatalities were motorcyclists.

Mopeds and motorized bicycles offer a simple, cost-effective way to navigate narrow streets, dodge traffic jams, and soak in the vibrant local life without the hassle of a full-sized vehicle.

In Costa Rica’s coastal tourist areas, with winding coastal roads and unpredictable terrain, these lightweight vehicles are perfect. They can zip through small towns like Jaco, Tamarindo, or Puerto Viejo where big cars might feel awkward and slow. Plus, for tourists, they provide a feel of freedom — the wind, the smells, the slight jolt of adventure that comes with exploring a new place on two wheels.

But it’s not just fun and convenience. Mopeds and motorized bicycles fill a real transportation need in Costa Rica, in particular the Greater Metropolitan Area (GAM). Not everyone can afford a full car and its maintenance and licensing costs, and public transport doesn’t always provide a solution. These vehicles bridge that gap, giving access to work, school, or markets with agility and affordability.

But, Costa Rican roads can be unpredictable, with sudden weather changes, potholed streets, or drivers who don’t always observe traffic rules, especially in sharing the road with smaller vehicles and pedestrians.

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Complexity of TRIBU-CR system payments puts tax collection at risk

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Q COSTARICA — The Ministry of Finance’s new TRIBU-CR system, along with the Virtual Office (OVi), was presented as a modern tool to facilitate tax compliance. However, in practice, it has imposed unnecessary barriers and cumbersome procedures that today make even something as basic as paying taxes difficult.

Before its implementation, taxpayers could make their payments directly and easily from the online branches of banks with an agreement with the Treasury. With TRIBU-CR, this mechanism was replaced by a much more restrictive process: payments can now only be made from registered IBAN accounts, whether their own or those of third parties.

“Although the use of third-party accounts is theoretically permitted, the process is extremely complicated. In order to pay, the account holder must register it with the OVi (Tax Office), expressly authorize the taxpayer, and keep the permissions up to date. These steps, far from simplifying the process, have led to frequent errors, rejections, and wasted time, affecting those seeking to fulfill their obligations in good faith,” explained tax attorney Gabriel Zamora Baudrit.

Furthermore, the specialist adds that this new method has particularly affected senior citizens, inactive corporations, and people without bank accounts, who relied on family members, representatives, or agents to make payments. Many of them now find themselves without practical alternatives to comply with the tax authorities.

“The tax administration cannot lose sight of its most basic objective: to collect taxes. This system, instead of facilitating compliance, hinders it. It is paradoxical that in the name of modernization, a process has been designed that discourages payment and complicates matters for taxpayers,” noted Zamora Baudrit.

Zamora Baudrit added that the system’s excessive rigidity is causing involuntary late payments and a setback in tax collection and administrative efficiency.

“Digitization should serve to bring taxpayers closer, not isolate them behind unnecessary technical procedures and permits. The current system is not only impractical: it goes against the spirit of public service that should guide the Costa Rican Treasury,” the tax lawyer concluded.

Tax modernization, more than a technological goal, should be a goal of accessibility. As long as the system maintains these restrictions and confusing processes, tax collection will be compromised, and with it, the State’s ability to fulfill its essential functions.

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Though Costa Ricans typically allocate less money toward paying off debt, their overall debt levels remain high

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Costa Rica money, Costa Rican Banknotes colones, all denominations, Financial concept, close up

Q COSTARICA — The results of the Third National Debt Survey 2025, prepared by the Oficina del Consumidor Financiero (OCF) – Financial Consumer Office, show that Costa Ricans are typically allocating less money each month to debt payments, although the burden remains high for many households.

In this edition, people reported that they allocate an average of 34% of their monthly income to debt payments, a decrease from the 38% recorded in 2023 and significantly lower than the 52% measured in 2020, when this study was first conducted. This decrease suggests a moderation in credit use or a more prudent management of personal finances, following years of high economic pressure.

The survey, conducted by telephone between July 3 and 29, 2025, among 1,200 people between the ages of 18 and 70, represents the third national snapshot of people’s debt, their financial goals, and their resilience. Its coverage is national, and the results are representative of an estimated population of 3.6 million adults, with a margin of error of 2.8% at a 95% confidence level.

The data also reflect that 87% of people have some type of debt, a figure very similar to the 91% reported in 2023, which in many cases involves small obligations. The reduction is concentrated among young people and those outside the labor force, which could indicate greater caution in accessing credit or greater restrictions on obtaining it in the formal financial system.

This time, there is a change in the most common type of credit, as the number of people reporting having vehicle loans increased (47% in 2025 versus 18% in 2023), while debts with informal lenders, family members, or friends decreased, from 47% in 2023 to 25% this year. The proportion of debts with appliance companies, cooperatives, and solidarity associations also decreased (from 35% to 22%).

For Danilo Montero, general director of the OCF, the results show that the country could be moving toward a more rational stage of financial adjustment, although with persistent challenges in terms of financial inclusion.

“Indebtedness is a reflection of how families deal with their aspirations, unexpected events, and limitations. When a reduction is observed, as we see in this survey, it doesn’t necessarily mean that people have more disposable income; it may be the result of greater awareness of the risks of over-indebtedness, or more prudent access to credit, because incomes are unstable. In other words, it may be a change in financial behavior rather than an economic improvement,” Montero noted.

The survey analysis shows that people aged 35 and over tend to show higher levels of commitment to debt repayment, a situation that intensifies in the 55-70 age group, who allocate an average of 36.8% of their monthly income to loan payments. In contrast, younger people (18-24 years old) show a much lower commitment, at 14.7%.

Debt also increases among those who own their own business (43.3% versus the national average of 34%), those who are heads of household (36.4%), and those with less education (41.4%). More importantly, the debt burden is heaviest among those earning less than ¢500,000 colones per month, who spend an average of 58.3% of their income.

Although only 18% of the population says they finance their debt with a credit card, this method and vehicle loans are the most common types of debt among people who spend more than 33% of their monthly income on them. Although the majority of households manage to cover their expenses regularly (60%), one in three faces months when money doesn’t come in on time, forcing them to take on debt.

While the results point to a slight decrease in national debt, this should not be interpreted as a reassuring scenario.

“Although we are seeing some improvement in households’ relationship with credit, there is still a segment of the population that is highly vulnerable to any change in income. The financial stability of many families continues to depend on their paychecks arriving on time and keeping their expenses under control. Therefore, financial education and responsible use of credit must remain priorities,” Montero concluded.

The Encuesta Nacional de Endeudamiento 2025 (National Debt Survey) is part of the OCF’s commitment to monitoring the economic health of citizens and generating useful information for personal, business, and public policy decision-making.

In the coming months, the OCF will continue to provide a comprehensive and comprehensive survey of the financial services sector.

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Deadly Attack: US Extends Operation Against Alleged Drug Boats to the Pacific

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Q24N — US forces attacked another vessel suspected of transporting drugs, this time in the Pacific Ocean, the Pentagon confirmed.

The attack reportedly took place in international waters near Colombia, according to CBS, citing a Washington defense official.

This is the eighth US armed attack since September 2 against vessels suspected of transporting drugs, and the first to occur in the Pacific.

Two people aboard the boat were killed and no US forces were injured, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said.

US intelligence had information about the vessel and believed it was transporting drugs along a known drug trafficking route in international waters, Hegseth added.

34 dead since September

A video of the attack appears to show a long, blue speedboat moving through the water before being hit by US ammunition.

“Narco-terrorists seeking to establish a foothold on our shores will find no refuge anywhere in our hemisphere,” the Secretary of Defense wrote on social media.

He added that “just as al-Qaeda wages war against our homeland, these cartels wage war against our border and our people.”

US President Donald Trump asserted that he has the legal authority to continue bombing ships in international waters, but indicated that he could go to the U.S. Congress if he decides to expand the targets on land.

Tensions between the US and Colombia

BBC Mundo reports that the new attacks come amid growing tensions between the Trump administration and the government of President Gustavo Petro in Colombia.

Last Sunday, Trump accused Petro of being a “drug trafficking leader” who “strongly incentivizes massive drug production, in fields large and small, throughout Colombia.”

He announced that the United States will no longer offer subsidies to Colombia, one of its closest historical allies in Latin America.

Both Colombia and neighboring Ecuador have significant Pacific coastlines, which, according to experts, are used to funnel drugs northward to the United States, through Central America and Mexico.

According to estimates by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), the vast majority of cocaine destined for U.S. cities passes through the Pacific.

 

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Another strong quake hits in 24 hours

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Q COSTARICA — Almost exactly 24 hours after Tuesday’s 6.1 earthquake, a new tremor hit Costa Rica’s South Pacific on Wednesday night, striking near Bahía Ballena, in the Osa region, in the South Pacific.

The quake happened at 9:43 p.m. on October 22, registering a magnitude of 4.8. Its epicenter was about 9 kilometers south of Bahía Ballena, according to the National Seismological Network of the University of Costa Rica (RSN).

Initially, the quake was reported as a 5.3 magnitude, but later analysis revised it down to 4.8.

Experts from RSN say this earthquake isn’t an aftershock of Tuesday’s 6.1 tremor near Quepos in the Central Pacific. Instead, both quakes are tied to different stages of the subduction process—the main tectonic activity along Costa Rica’s Pacific coast.

Since Tuesday’s big quake, seismometers have picked up over 115 aftershocks, which scientists say is expected after a major seismic event.

The RSN is keeping a close watch on seismic activity and will update the public on any significant developments.

Costa Rica is a seismically active area with significant earthquakes occurring every few years. Earthquakes with a magnitude of 7 or more typically happen about every 15 years, while those with a magnitude of 6 or more occur roughly every 8 years on average.

On average, about 1,200 tremors shake and roll Costa Rica each month.

Seismic Activity Map of Costa Rica by OVSICORI

Click here for Costa Rica’s recent seismic activity

These recent quakes fall within the expected seismic activity for the region but are still notable for their strength and impact on local communities

 

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Italy’s Meloni completes three years in power: How did she overcome Italian instability?

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Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni arrives to attend the 7th European Political Community (EPC) Summit at the Bella Center in Copenhagen on October 2, 2025. (Photo by Sergei GAPON / AFP)

Italy used to be known for its political chaos. Over the last 70 years, the country has seen 31 prime ministers and 68 different governments—a dizzying turnover that turned crisis into the norm.

But by 2025, the third year since Giorgia Meloni took office, that pattern seems to have shifted. Her right-wing coalition has now been in power for over 1,000 days, a rare feat in modern Italian politics.

Meloni, 48, is Italy’s first female prime minister and the strongest right-wing leader since Silvio Berlusconi. In a nation used to brief terms and fragile alliances, her steady hold on power marks a real shift: a nationalist right-wing that can govern without falling apart.

Her ascent started on September 25, 2022, when her party, Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia)—a national-conservative, right-wing populist group—won the election. The next day, President Sergio Mattarella asked her to form a government, launching an era of unusual stability.

Meloni’s dominance within her coalition is clear. Neither Antonio Tajani, head of Forza Italia and foreign minister, nor Matteo Salvini, leader of the League and infrastructure minister, have been able to challenge her. They remain in government but wield little real influence. Even when Salvini tries to stand out—like criticizing French President Emmanuel Macron after Meloni repaired ties with Paris—it only serves to strengthen her leadership image.

Experts agree that Meloni’s grip on power isn’t built on broad support but on the weakness of the opposition. Former Prime Minister Romano Prodi told La Repubblica, “The opposition doesn’t exist.” The Democratic Party and Five Star Movement are fragmented, unable to present a united alternative. “Such a divided opposition is more of a nuisance than a threat,” Prodi said.

Even members of the center-left acknowledge this. Graziano Delrio, a former minister and Democratic Party leader, told Corriere della Sera that Meloni “has an effective strategy because she connects with groups beyond her usual base.” This broad appeal, rare for a leader from the post-fascist right, explains much of her success.

Meloni’s rise wasn’t built on moderation. She started out in the neo-fascist youth wing of the Italian Social Movement, and her party still carries symbols from that era. But since 2022, her message has shifted. The fiery leader who once shouted “I am Giorgia, I am a woman, I am a mother, I am a Christian” now speaks with the measured tone of a seasoned stateswoman.

Italian analysts call this a “Christian democratization,” where Meloni has learned from old Christian Democratic leaders: adapt, negotiate, and avoid unnecessary conflicts. This means stepping back from extremes and presenting herself as a guardian of stability.

Her shift isn’t just talk. On economic policy, she’s kept the budget discipline set by Mario Draghi, steered clear of clashes with Brussels, and maintained Italy’s NATO membership. What once looked like a populist threat has turned into a pragmatic continuation of previous policies.

Meloni has also raised her profile internationally. She attended the White House summit in August alongside Donald Trump, Volodymyr Zelensky, and other European leaders, gaining global attention. She spoke at the recent Gaza summit, advocating for “a Europe that’s practical, less bureaucratic, and that respects national sovereignty.”This stance sets her apart from both Draghi’s strict Europeanism and Salvini’s raw Euroskepticism, a political position that is skeptical or critical of the European Union. Meloni has carved out a middle path: working with Brussels while keeping a strong national narrative. She talks about “sovereignty” not as a call to break away but as a demand for respect.

Her foreign policy follows the Mattei Plan, aiming to invest in Africa to reduce migration to Europe. She’s built ties with Qatar, a key mediator in the Gaza conflict, and supports continued military aid to Ukraine. Under her leadership, Italy has regained diplomatic influence it seemed to have lost.

But despite her political control, Meloni faces tough challenges. Italy’s economy is barely growing at 0.6%, and its public debt is a staggering 140% of GDP—among the highest in the developed world. There’s little room to fund her promises on cutting energy costs or helping young people find housing.

Her immigration stance has sparked conflict both inside and outside Italy. Though she vowed to clamp down on illegal immigration, her government approved work permits for nearly half a million non-European migrants to fill labor shortages. She also pushed controversial deals, like setting up migrant detention centers in Albania and funding the Libyan Coast Guard to intercept boats in the Mediterranean.

Domestically, her administration passed a security decree increasing penalties for riots and damage during protests, a move civil rights groups warn threatens freedom of expression. She’s also championed a constitutional reform called “premierato,” proposing direct election of the prime minister. While intended to bring stability, critics fear it could concentrate too much power in the prime minister’s hands, weakening Parliament and the presidency. The proposal is still being debated in Parliament.

 

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Luis Amador suggests that President Rodrigo Chaves does not want to leave power in May

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Q COSTARICA — Luis Amador, presidential candidate for the Partido Integración Nacional (PIN), hinted that his former boss, President Rodrigo Chaves, might not be willing to relinquish power when his term ends at noon on May 8, 2026.

Amador stated that there are “indications” that raise “reasonable doubts” about the eventual transition of power, in response to a question from La Reacción.

“I’d like you to see his face when you ask him that, and when you see that face, you realize he’s not ready to hand over power. You realize with all the other indications, his movements, bringing in mayors, apparently offering them public positions, putting pressure on them, and taking out the auction so that there’s no longer a diversity of media outlets, but rather concentrating them in a few, you begin to realize… The continued insistence that they want to appoint him as Minister of the Presidency, there they confirmed to us the puppet show and that he’s not ready to hand over power. He’s not ready. It’s a reasonable doubt, and that doubt is very dangerous. It’s very dangerous, because his performance in problem-solving has been terrible,” Amador stated.

Previously, Laura Fernández, presidential candidate for Partido Pueblo Soberano and representative of ‘rodriguismo’ in the upcoming elections, stated that she will do everything possible to ensure that Chaves becomes Minister of the Presidency starting in May of next year.

On October 1, during a press conference, the president was directly asked whether he would relinquish power if the ruling party loses the presidential elections on February 1 or in a possible second round in April 2026.

The president’s response was emphatic, denying any interest in remaining in office.

“It’s an absurd question. I will relinquish power on May 8, 2026, to whomever the people of Costa Rica elect. And I swear by my holy mother in heaven. I will relinquish power to those who call me dictatorial, to those who don’t like being told the truth in their faces, to those who call me authoritarian, to those who don’t like us connecting with the poor people of Naranjo,” Chaves said.

Luis Amador is a notable figure in Costa Rica, primarily known for his role as the Minister of Public Works and Transportation (MOPT) from May 2022 to March 2024. Besides his political career, he is an Associate Professor and a transportation consultant, holding a doctorate in engineering, and has an academic affiliation with Concordia University.

 

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6.1 Quake rocks Costa Rica!

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Q COSTARICA — Tuesday night, a significant earthquake rattled Costa Rica, catching residents by surprise.

The main event, a 6.1 magnitude that shook buildings and sent tremors of up to 20 and 30 seconds in many parts of the country, occurred at 9:57 p.m. Tuesday, according to data from the National Seismological Network (RSN), which located its origin located 25.7 kilometers southwest of Espadilla Sur, in Quepos, Aguirre, Puntarenas, in the Central Pacific, at a depth of 5 kilometers.

According to Mario Protti, a seismologist at Ovsicori, the subsequent seismic activity is within the expected range for an event of this magnitude.

“The largest event in this sequence occurred five minutes after the main event, with a magnitude of 4.1. We will continue to monitor this activity closely and provide timely reports,” Protti explained.

For its part, the National Tsunami Monitoring System (Sinamot) clarified that the earthquake does not pose a tsunami threat to the country.

In Quepos, the seismic event was strong and prolonged. According to Jeudy Mora, deputy mayor of the canton, the Municipal Emergency Committees were immediately activated to respond to reports in the most affected communities.

The National Emergency Commission (CNE) indicated that the earthquake was felt throughout the country, with reports of falling objects in homes and businesses, mainly in Quepos and the Los Santos area. In addition, power outages were reported in areas of Jacó, Parrita, and Quepos.

Authorities remain vigilant for the possibility of more aftershocks in the coming hours.

People reported feeling the ground sway for many seconds, prompting some to rush outside as a precaution.

Costa Rica, sitting on the Pacific Ring of Fire, is no stranger to seismic activity, but this quake was notable for its strength and the suddenness of its arrival.

Authorities quickly assessed the situation, checking for damage and ensuring that critical infrastructure was intact. Early reports indicated minor damages in some areas but no widespread destruction or casualties.

The quake serves as a reminder of the region’s geological volatility and the importance of preparedness.

While Costa Rica has made strides in earthquake readiness, each event reinforces the need for vigilance and community awareness to minimize risks when the earth decides to shake.

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The US proposes suspending Nicaragua from CAFTA and imposing 100% tariffs

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Q24N (Confidencial) The Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) proposed a series of measures, including the full or partial suspension of benefits for Nicaragua under the DR-CAFTA Free Trade Agreement and the imposition of tariffs of up to 100% on its exports.

The measures are proposed in response to “the laws, policies, and practices” of the Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo regime in Nicaragua, related to labor rights abuses, abuses of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the dismantling of the rule of law.”

In the United States’ view, these acts “are unreasonable” and constitute a “burden or restrict U.S. commerce.”

“Section 301 authorizes the Trade Representative to take all appropriate and feasible actions, subject to the direction of the President, to achieve the elimination of such acts, policies, and practices,” the resolution states.

The Trade Representative decided to open a consultation period on the proposed actions before November 19, 2025. The approved measure(s) are expected to take effect in January 2026.

The proposed scenarios

The Trade Representative’s proposal establishes two possible scenarios for Nicaragua, in which Nicaraguan trade with the United States is fully or partially penalized.

  • Suspend Nicaragua from all benefits of the Dominican Republic-Central America-United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), including tariff concessions and Nicaraguan content accumulation for other CAFTA-DR partners, immediately or gradually over a period of up to 12 months.
  • Suspend Nicaragua from some benefits of the Dominican Republic-Central America-United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), including tariff concessions and
  • Nicaraguan content accumulation for other CAFTA-DR partners, immediately or gradually over a period of up to 12 months.
  • Apply tariffs of up to 100% to all Nicaraguan imports, either immediately or gradually over a period of up to 12 months.
  • Apply tariffs of up to 100% to some Nicaraguan imports immediately, with tariffs for selected sectors to be phased in gradually over a period of up to 12 months.

An investigation that began in 2024

The U.S. Trade Office’s determination closes an investigation initiated on December 10, 2024, during the administration of former President Joe Biden.

This process included more than 160 public comments and testimony from experts, organizations, and citizens, as well as evidence of “serious human rights violations.” A public hearing was also convened on January 16, 2025, during which witnesses testified and answered questions.

A Scenario Posed in Early 2025

The United States Special Envoy for Latin America, Mauricio Claver-Carone, declared in January 2025 that the United States is not interested in having Nicaragua as a trading partner, and is therefore seeking “options” with its allies in the region to expel the country from the Dominican Republic-United States-Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA), in force since 2004.

“That’s absurd, it’s absurd,” Claver-Carone asserted while explaining that his country’s strategy is to work with US allies on ways to remove Nicaragua from this agreement without affecting the rest of the countries. Echoing the rhetoric of US President Donald Trump, the special envoy said that “that agreement was negotiated and enacted very poorly.”

In February 2025, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio called Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela “enemies of humanity” and accused them of causing the migration crisis in the hemisphere.

“These three regimes that exist: Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Cuba are enemies of humanity and have created a migration crisis. If it weren’t for those three regimes, there wouldn’t be a migration crisis in the hemisphere,” Rubio said at a press conference in San José, accompanied by Costa Rican President Rodrigo Chaves.

This article is a translated and adapted version of “EE. UU. propone suspender a Nicaragua del CAFTA y aplicar aranceles del 100%” originally published on Confidencial.Digital. You can read the original Spanish version here.

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Nicaraguan Women in Exile in Costa Rica: Navigating the Tough Shift from Small-Scale Hustles to Official Businesses

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Q REPORTS (NicaraguaInvestiga) Yadira Hernández arrived in Costa Rica in June 2023, fleeing the harsh sociopolitical turmoil in Nicaragua. Despite over 20 years of working with civil society groups, she struggled to find formal work here.

With two teenagers to care for and just US$2,000 saved—most of which vanished in the first month on rent and essentials—she ended up taking a tough job cooking at a Chinese restaurant.

“We felt the shift instantly. No home, no food, no work. It was just me and my kids, and we had no idea what would come next,” Yadira shared.

Without legal paperwork or immigration status, she earned less than the minimum wage—around 9,000 colones a day, about US$18 for a 12-hour shift. That barely covered living expenses in one of Latin America’s priciest countries. So, the family made a painful choice: everyone would look for work, and the teens would drop out of school.

“Survival was the priority,” Yadira says.

She began reaching out to other exiled Nicaraguans, hoping to build connections and learn how to navigate life in this new place. That’s how she found the Pinolera Fair — a monthly event run by exiled Nicaraguan women, with occasional help from humanitarian groups. It’s a marketplace where small entrepreneurs sell Nicaraguan goods and food, and it’s been a big hit, sparking fresh business ventures.

Yadira remembered an accident years ago in Nicaragua that left one hand immobilized. Her doctor had suggested crafts as therapy, so she learned to make handmade soaps. What started as a hobby became her new hope.

Seeing so many women reinvent themselves here inspired her to launch her own business and leave behind the grueling kitchen job.

Yadimell Cosméticos was born, offering natural soaps, shampoos, creams, and other beauty items.

Melissa Guerrero’s story is similar. She runs Freyda, a craft beer brand that’s gained traction in Costa Rica over two years. Before starting the business, Melissa looked for jobs in her field—communications—but found doors closed.

“I graduated from the Central American University in Nicaragua, but after it was shut down in 2023, finding work here was brutal. One place told me the market was saturated and discouraged me—felt like xenophobia,” she says.

After facing rejection repeatedly, Melissa returned to her fledgling beer business despite fears about stricter laws and permits in Costa Rica. The learning curve was steep—she had no suppliers, no market knowledge, and had to figure out everything from scratch. Back home, her brand was small but growing, with a loyal following and clear supply chains.

Here, even basic supplies like honey and bottles were hard to find, and permits were tough to get. Financing was an even bigger hurdle. “Credit is tough to get because we’re not nationals and don’t have all the paperwork,” Melissa explains.

She’s received some seed money from NGOs, but it’s not nearly enough to scale. She dreams of investing in equipment and building a distribution network to meet growing demand—and maybe even hiring other Nicaraguans who face similar job barriers.

María René Mercado leads the Red de Mujeres Pinoleras, the group behind the Pinolera Fair. The fair is crucial for new entrepreneurs starting from zero, creating a community and connections among Nicaraguans who come looking for a taste of home.

“We miss our country deeply, but this fair has opened a path for us. Organizations have supported us, and slowly, we’re growing,” she says.

María René came to Costa Rica during the 2018 Nicaraguan crisis. She worked domestic jobs until 2020, when the pandemic hit and she was out of work. She started selling homemade bread and traditional Nicaraguan dishes to neighbors and family. Word spread quickly, and soon her food business, “Variedades La Concheña,” was running with help from her mother and kids.

Money is tight. Banks won’t lend to them, and even seed grants are hard to come by. Credit cards were denied too, despite the high costs. Still, her business has grown. In 2023, they added catering, which now keeps them afloat.

Besides the Pinolera Fair, María René and others get invited to other markets to boost sales. Some organizations offer training in marketing, cooking, and business models, but these efforts barely scratch the surface. There are hundreds of women entrepreneurs with needs that go unmet.

Claudia Vargas from the Arias Foundation for Peace highlights the barriers migrant women face in Costa Rica. Degrees and qualifications from Nicaragua often go unrecognized; the process to get them accepted is long and bureaucratic. By law, Costa Ricans get hiring priority over foreigners.

Women also juggle caregiving and household duties without family support, making job hunting even harder. Many turn to starting their own businesses, but lack the networks and skills needed to compete in Costa Rica’s tough market.

“The women need skills like product photography, social media marketing, but these take time and resources to learn,” Vargas says. Many don’t have access to these trainings, and without them, sales stay low.

Costa Rica’s immigration system is another hurdle, full of bureaucratic delays. Many asylum seekers wait years without immigration documents, which blocks basic things like opening bank accounts or getting loans.

About half of asylum seekers can’t apply for credit due to paperwork issues. Vargas calls for more coordinated efforts between organizations and lawmakers to change this.“These survival businesses aren’t real businesses—they’re just ways to get by. To grow, these women need better financing and support,” she says.

Linda Núñez, a Nicaraguan researcher, recently helped with a study on forcibly displaced Nicaraguan women and children in Costa Rica. The research confirms what many women already experience: Costa Rica’s refugee programs offer little beyond basic status and work permits. There are no real economic integration plans.

Work permits require contributions to social security, which many can’t afford. No training exists on how to get permits or loans from Costa Rican sources. Without that, starting a business is nearly impossible.“We need national policies focused on economic development for refugees. Otherwise, the crisis will only get worse with high refugee unemployment,” Núñez warns.

She stresses Costa Rica’s international duty to support refugees fully. Migrants do contribute to the economy by paying taxes and renting homes, despite perceptions otherwise.

Yadira recently got a big boost — the International Human Rights Network Europe (RIDHE) approved funding for her to take a soap-making course, while her daughter gets training in acrylic nails. These courses cost over a thousand dollars each and would have been out of reach otherwise.

María René will also get training in catering through the same program, which aims to train women, close the digital divide, and mentor entrepreneurs on registering businesses and gaining economic independence.RIDHE partners with over 40 organizations in Costa Rica, but the program’s reach is small—only 220 women have benefited in two years. More support is crucial.

Since 2018, over 280,000 Nicaraguans have sought refuge in Costa Rica, about 75% of the country’s asylum claims. Half are women. Many arrived before the crisis, meaning nearly 800,000 Nicaraguans in Costa Rica need help.

RIDHE provides seed funding between US$300 and US$1,200 for women to start businesses. It’s a start, but not enough.“We’re restoring rights lost through forced displacement: labor, education, economic independence. International support is vital,” says RIDHE’s Latin America director, Winnye Bernard.

This article is a translated and adapted version of “Mujeres nicas en el exilio: La difícil tarea de pasar de negocios de subsistencia a emprendimientos formales” originally published on NicaraguaInvestiga.com. You can read the original Spanish version here.

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Daniel Ortega, the “King” of confiscations

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Q REPORTS (NicaraguaInvestiga) Daniel Ortega has a terrible past for someone who assumes the presidency of a country. He’s a bank robber with a well-known history—and he’s even admitted to it.

When he assumed leadership of the country in the 1980s after Anastasio Somoza Debayle’s departure from power, one of Ortega’s first measures was to steal. He did so in the name of the state, but the truth is that these processes primarily benefited him and his then-military leadership, as well as many of today’s dissidents.

He carried out confiscations beyond the Somoza family’s properties, which was supposedly his real target. Between 20,000 and 28,000 properties, including luxury homes, farms, land, and businesses, were seized by the Sandinistas. That’s not counting the jewelry, cars, and belongings that were inside those properties, which were also seized.

In 2014, the American Embassy in Managua published a report highlighting that, as of that date, the Nicaraguan government had allocated US$1.279 billion to pay for confiscated properties, of which US$447 million was paid to dispossessed American citizens. The debt continues to be paid to this day, so the amount could easily exceed US$2 billion.

Ortega left the country with a historic debt, not only domestically but also externally. These installments earmarked for the payment of these debts translated into poverty for Nicaraguans due to the serious limitations on social investment they entailed.

Confiscations Return “Improved”

During this second dictatorship, Daniel Ortega once again made confiscations his mainstay of illicit enrichment.

It is unknown how many properties he has seized from non-governmental organizations, opponents, media outlets, and private entrepreneurs. But in May 2024, the dictator acknowledged that the confiscation amounted to “several million dollars” and, to justify the massive crime, spoke of “links to money laundering.”

“A number of properties that were used for money laundering have been seized (…) all these properties are worth several million dollars; they are in the hands of the Nicaraguan state,” said Ortega, who asserted that these properties will be “for the benefit of the poor.”

However, as happened in the 1980s, the dictator has not provided clarity about what was confiscated. Who are all those dispossessed? What is the fate of each seized property? How much is the total amount taken? Regarding everything stolen during the first dictatorship ever, there was a detailed report on this issue, but no government bothered to provide it, even though these confiscations constituted public debt.

A juicy loot

Confiscations under this new dictatorship reached a new level. Between 2018 and the present, more than 5,000 civil society organizations have been closed, and their assets have been confiscated. Many of these organizations owned multiple properties.

Fundación del Río, an environmental organization that operated to protect the Río San Juan Biosphere Reserve, told Nicaragua Investiga in 2023 that 22 properties were dispossessed from them.

“We had conservation areas, which are private wildlife reserves. At least four conservation areas were confiscated by the Nicaraguan regime,” reported Amaru Ruiz, head of that organization, illegally closed by the dictatorship.

In addition, they confiscated three offices, two community radio stations, a hotel, a training center, a childcare center, and housing for technical staff, among other assets.

According to Ruiz, there has been no legal transfer of the properties to the state, according to independent investigations.

An investigation by Hagamos Democracia revealed in 2024 that between 2018 and the date the data was published, the Sandinista dictatorship had confiscated at least 135 properties with an estimated value of US$250 million.

The investigation made it clear that this corresponds only to the cases that were documented, because many of the victims are afraid to report for fear of further reprisals.

It should be noted that confiscations have continued since this study was presented, so the figure is now clearly higher and very worrying.

The largest confiscation in history

But Ortega recently surpassed himself and set the record for mass theft in a single day.

Under his command, the National Legislative Assembly approved a new Border Security Law that expands the security zone by 15 kilometers and immediately transfers those territories to the State.

Indigenous populations, protected forest areas, hotels, and tourism developments are located in the new security zone.

Economist and political opponent Juan Sebastián Chamorro explained on social media that 18,000 square kilometers are subject to dispossession.

“This constitutes the largest confiscation in a single day in the history of Nicaragua. It will have devastating effects on property rights and investments,” he warned.

“They’re going to target entire towns, cities within that 15-kilometer range. I don’t know what they’re going to do with Somotillo, San Pedro del Norte, Santo Tomás, Cinco Pinos, Somoto, Dipilto, Teotecacinte, San Carlos on the San Juan River, El Castillo, Sapoá, Cárdenas, Guasaule, Las Manos,” Chamorro said in a wide-ranging interview with journalist Luis Galeano on his program Café con Voz.

He noted that there are luxury tourist developments in the area, but also important coffee farms belonging to private entrepreneurs, which, in fact, have already been confiscated under this new law. He pointed out that everything confiscated is equivalent to almost the entire territory of El Salvador.

“This is a confiscation that won’t go unnoticed. It’s obviously just another confiscation, but given the magnitude, this is beyond logic,” he noted.

The Canal and a Half of Nicaragua “Frozen”

In addition to all these plunders, we must not forget that Daniel Ortega refuses to give up the Grand Interoceanic Canal project.

In May 2024, he repealed Law 840, which granted the project concession to Wang Jing, but left Law 800 in place and the idea of ​​allowing another investor to develop the project.

With a new route, this project not only keeps 445 kilometers of the country under its control, but also jeopardizes the wildlife and fauna of that perimeter, as well as Lake Xolotlán.

This article is a translated and adapted version of “Daniel Ortega, el ‘rey’ de las confiscaciones en Nicaragua” originally published on NicaraguaInvestiga.com. You can read the original Spanish version here.

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Confusing Hacienda message results in drop in SINPE Movil use

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Q COSTARICA — “Contrary to messages spread on social media and other platforms, the Sistema Nacional de Pagos Electrónicos (SINPE) service is not prohibited or limited in any way for any type of transaction, whether personal or commercial,” the Banco Central de Costa Rica (BCCR) – Central Bank –  stated in a statement.

The Central Bank reiterated that the only change is the incorporation of a specific code in the electronic receipts of commercial entities, by order of the Ministry of Finance, in order to identify payments made.

The measure responds to the obligation of businesses to report tax information to the Ministerio de Hacienda (Treasury) – Ministry of Finance, as they already do with other payment methods such as cash, transfers, or debit and credit cards.

In its statement, the Central Bank reiterated that users will be able to continue using the platform as they have until now; that is, the change is not in the use of SINPE Móvil, but in the tax area. That is, SINPE Movil transfers by users aren’t taxed.

Last August, the Central Bank approved a reform to the SINPE that limits transfers made through SINPE Movil via text messages (SMS) to ¢100,000 colones per day.

Until then, some banks allowed larger transfers through this channel. With the reform, all financial institutions must comply with the new limit.

SINPE Móvil is a popular mobile money transfer service in Costa Rica that allows users to send and receive money instantly through their smartphones.

Linked to the national electronic payment system, SINPE Móvil enables secure, fast, and convenient transfers between individuals and businesses without the need for cash or physical bank visits.

Users can register their mobile phone numbers with participating banks to send funds directly to another person’s phone number, making everyday transactions like splitting bills, paying for services, or sending remittances straightforward.

The service operates 24/7, providing real-time confirmation of transfers and enhancing financial inclusion by offering an easy way for those without traditional bank accounts to participate in digital payments.

SINPE Móvil has become a key part of Costa Rica’s move toward a cashless economy, supported by widespread adoption across banks and a government push for digital financial solutions. It offers a low-cost, secure alternative to traditional money transfer methods, helping to streamline payments in both urban and rural areas.

You can make SINPE Móvil transfers without any fees for up to ¢100,000 colones in total each day. If you want to send more than that, check with your bank about any fees. For example, BAC doesn’t charge for SINPE transfers between your own accounts or to other BAC customers. But, transfers to accounts at different banks of any amount, the fee usually falls between US$0.75 and US$3 per transaction.

Previously, some banks allowed larger transfers. With the reform, all financial institutions must comply with the new limit.

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Hacienda adjusts the IVA system for taxpayers with zero sales

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Q COSTARICA — Impuesto al Valor Agregado (IVA) – Value Added Tax – taxpayers who did not report sales during September but did make purchases should take into account the new adjustments that will be implemented in the new TRIBU-CR system, according to a statement from the Ministerio de Hacienda (Treasury) – Ministry of Finance.

Currently, the platform automatically transfers tax credits generated by purchases to the profits tax, which has raised concerns among taxpayers who reported zero sales.

To resolve these cases, the Treasury announced that starting in November, it will activate a new feature in TRIBU-CR, which will allow the automatic calculation of the tax credit for purchases declared by those who did not make any sales.

As a temporary measure, system users can enter the amount of ¢1 in the box for sales subject to the 13% rate, which will allow the platform to recognize the transactions and process the credit correctly.

This provision seeks to prevent taxpayers from losing this benefit and ensure they can keep their returns up to date while the tool is updated.

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Fuel prices rise again this month

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Q COSTARICA — Drivers face a new increase in fuel costs following the adjustment approved by the Regulatory Authority, the Autoridad Reguladora de los Servicios Públicos (ARESEP).

The current costs per liter for October are ¢677 for premium gasoline, ¢662 for regular gasoline, ¢556 for diesel, and ¢253 for natural gas. Click here for official pricing of all fuels.

Before the end of the month, possibly as early as mid-week next week, fuel prices at the pumps nationwide, based on this approval, will increase by ¢14 for premium and by ¢13 for regular gasoline. Diesel will decrease by ¢9, and natural gas will decrease by ¢5.

The adjustment responds to international fluctuations in oil prices, import costs, and the dollar exchange rate.

Added to this is the single fuel tax, equivalent to between 28% and 40% of the value per liter, whose resources are transferred to the State to supposedly finance institutions such as the Ministry of Public Works and Transportation (MOPT) and local governments.

The Refinadora Costarricense de Petróleo (RECOPE), the Costa Rican refinery that refines nothing, stated that the current pricing model aims to ensure transparency in pricing and guarantee that each colon paid by users is backed by the real costs of the energy system.

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“No Tyrants”: Global Day of Defiance will be held in San Jose, Costa Rica

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Q COSTARICA — San José is set to host a major protest called “No Tyrants” on Saturday, October 18.

Known internationally as the “No Dictators” or “No Tyrants”, the protests are a series of the “No Kings” demonstrations, largely in the United States, against what the organizers describe as authoritarian policies of Donald Trump and corruption in his administration.

This week, the Q talked with Barbara Steenstrup, a member of Democrats Abroad, who is organizing the nonviolent movement outside the United States Embassy in Pavas. The event will take place from 10 a.m. to noon.

Barbara emphasized, “We speak out because we see and reject the abuses of power of this Republican regime, starting with this President and extending down through his sycophants in Congress, in the SCOTUS and many lower courts, in his cabinet, among his oligarch network of billionaire enablers, and beyond.

“We believe they are a threat to the continued existence of the USA as a Constitutional nation based on laws and led by citizens elected by the people and who have sworn to serve the people by upholding our Constitution.”

“We believe in Democracy, not tyranny & dictatorships. We believe in upholding our nation’s Constitution and applying all of its laws equally to everyone, with no exceptions for the President or anyone,” said Barbara, are among the many comments she has received in the past week.

“My 2 cents: to show our CR friends and neighbors that many of us do not support his policies. Perhaps especially on immigration and deportations.

“To show that what happens in the USA still affects citizens abroad. As the saying goes. “When the USA sneezes, CR gets the flu!” added Steenstrup.

Everyone’s welcome—no need to be American or a Democrat.

 

 

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