Q COSTA RICA — Kathleen Quirós—a cooperative sector leader and the romantic partner of Juan Carlos Tam Cheong, as Goubin Tam Zhang is known, a Chinese-Costa Rican national facing extradition—maintains a close relationship with Freddy González, the secretary-general of the Partido Pueblo Soberano (PPSO).
Tam Zhang has appeared in photographs with Freddy González, the leader of Costa Rica’s Pueblo Soberano party, according to a report by CRHoy.
The photographs have drawn attention because Quirós’s romantic partner is reportedly wanted by U.S. authorities. The images place her in the orbit of González, a prominent figure in the PPSO, and raise questions about the political leader’s social and political contacts.
The report does not, by itself, establish that González committed a crime or that he participated in any illegal activity. Nor does the existence of a photograph prove that Quirós or González knew about, supported, or benefited from any alleged criminal conduct involving her partner. Those distinctions matter, particularly when the central evidence presented is based on personal proximity and public images.
Still, the episode carries political weight.
González acknowledged knowing the cooperative leader and even admitted to being aware of her romantic relationship with Tam Zhang, who obtained Costa Rican citizenship years ago. The man owns several bars in San José and, wanted by the DEA, was arrested Friday pending extradition to the United States.
However, González denied knowing how Tam came to attend the event celebrating Laura Fernández’s campaign victory at the former Aurola Holiday Inn in downtown San José, now rebranded as the Delta Hotels by Marriott San José Aurola, where Tam was photographed with presidential advisor Pilar Cisneros.
“I know Ms. Kathleen Quirós; she is a cooperative representative at Conacoop (…), but all Chinese people look alike. I can tell you that I do know Ms. Kathleen; she is a member of the Conacoop board of directors. As far as I understand, she had a romantic relationship with Mr. Tam Zhang, but I don’t know further details about that.
It has come as a surprise to everyone; Ms. Kathleen is a colleague of ours, and she has not been the subject of an investigation, as far as I understand. We will have to wait and see,” González stated in an interview with La Octava.
Despite acknowledging Tam Zhang, who is facing extradition and his apparent romantic ties, Freddy González stated in the same interview that he did not know how Tam Zhang had appeared at the official event marking the election results, nor did he spot him on the guest list—given that up to a thousand people were present at the hotel where the wanted man was photographed with Cisneros.
At that same event, another partner of the man facing extradition—Argerie Valverde Venegas, with whom Tam Zhang has two children—was personally photographed with Laura Fernández, who was by then the president-elect following the preliminary results of the previous February 1st.
The secretary of the PPSO acknowledged that controls can be circumvented by organized crime; while maintaining that “Juan Carlos” does not appear directly as a financier, he stated that the revelations compel the party to be stricter.
CRhoy.com reports that although González has not answered their calls or messages since Saturday, he spoke to them on Monday, outside the National Cooperative Council (Conacoop)—despite being barred from holding public office.
Mayuli Ortega, Cisneros, and Fernández likewise did not take responsibility for the presence of the individual facing extradition at the event. CRHoy.com says it attempted to obtain Quirós’s position regarding his relationship with the individual facing extradition, but he has not responded to messages or calls since Monday morning.
Who is she?
Kathleen Quirós Álvarez has been involved with Conacoop at various stages and serves as vice president of Coopeasamblea R.L. She is also a director of the National Committee of Cooperative Women and has served as president of Coopespecialización R.L.
In July 2023, she was appointed alongside Freddy González to the Conacoop board of directors—he as president and she as an alternate member. As a Conacoop representative, she appears in numerous photographs from events held by the previous administration.
Like González—whom she has known for years—Quirós has a background with the Partido Liberación Nacional (PLN), where she was an active participant and worked as a legislative advisor. Her professional relationship with Congress spans nearly a decade, during which she held several high-profile positions and earned salaries of up to ¢1.4 million.
Freddy González stepped down as president of Conacoop in early February 2025 after being barred from holding public office for five years—a sanction imposed by the Comptroller General’s Office. A ruling by the Supreme Court upheld the penalty, which stemmed from irregularities committed by González during his tenure at Infocoop in 2009.
Upon his departure, the cooperative movement’s Plenary Assembly decided to name him honorary president of the organization. In addition to being a key figure in the PPSO and Laura Fernández’s electoral victory, González has attended official events at Casa Presidencial holding that title, a practice that has led to formal complaints against him.
Quirós holds a degree in Education and a master’s degree in Business Administration; she worked for years at the Ministry of Public Education (MEP). A native of Puntarenas, she is 40 years old and ran for a legislative seat representing the Costa Rica Justa (CRJ) party in the 2022 elections.
The “major money launderer”
According to González, this woman from Puntarenas was in a romantic relationship with Guobin Tam Zhang—the official name of the man described by the Casa Presidencial as Costa Rica’s “major money launderer for drug trafficking.” He was arrested last Friday by the Attorney General’s Office and the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).
Originally from the Chinese city of Canton, he is 54 years old and was listed as a business owner operating bars and restaurants in various parts of San José. He is wanted for extradition due to alleged ties to Mexico’s Gulf Cartel and Sinaloa Cartel, as well as Colombia’s Gulf Clan.
Following his arrest in Granadilla de Curridabat—an operation supported by the police—he remained in judicial holding cells over the weekend until Monday. On that day, he attended an initial hearing where the San José Criminal Court ordered two months of provisional detention.
That afternoon, he was transferred to a maximum-security cell at La Reforma prison.
Authorities state that he acted as a key liaison, moving illicit funds within Costa Rica using cryptocurrency and front businesses to pay suppliers and receive profits. He is also accused of coordinating cocaine shipments.
Tam Zhang maintained the public image of an independent merchant, a guise that authorities say he used as a cover for his operations. He was directly involved—as a bartender and merchant—with establishments in this well-known university nightlife district in San Pedro de Montes de Oca, including the now-defunct Tavarúa bar, which closed in 2010.
He made significant inroads into the fishing industry through various business entities dedicated specifically to seafood importation and the large-scale distribution of tuna. He is also directly linked to companies in the textile and livestock sectors, as well as other business activities.
Analysis
The Pueblo Soberano has faced scrutiny over the presence of individuals linked by authorities or media reports to alleged drug-trafficking networks at events connected to the party and its political allies.
Related coverage has examined the appearance of an extradition suspect at celebrations following Laura Fernández’s electoral victory, as well as photographs involving other political figures.
The issue is less about whether a single photograph proves wrongdoing than about how political organizations vet the people who gain access to their leaders and events. A party may not be legally responsible for every acquaintance of its members, but it can still face legitimate questions about its internal controls, transparency, and judgment.
That makes González’s relationship with Quirós politically relevant even if no criminal connection is demonstrated. Voters are entitled to ask how the contact began, how close the relationship is, whether González knew the identity and legal status of Quirós’s partner, and whether the party has rules governing access to private and campaign activities.
The controversy also highlights a recurring problem in political reporting: the risk of allowing association to substitute for evidence. A person’s appearance beside a politician can be newsworthy, especially when the person’s partner is sought by a foreign law-enforcement agency. Yet the public record must still distinguish among three separate facts: a photograph, a social relationship, and proof of criminal conduct. They are not interchangeable.
For Pueblo Soberano, the immediate challenge is therefore one of credibility. A clear account from González and the party could help establish the timeline and nature of the relationship.
Silence, evasive answers, or contradictory explanations would likely intensify suspicion, even if no unlawful conduct is shown.
The photographs do not resolve the larger questions. They do show a connection that political leaders will be expected to explain. Whether that connection remains a matter of social proximity or becomes part of a broader investigation will depend on evidence beyond the images.