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Authorities warn of roadblocks and acts of aggression attributed to motorcycle groups

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Motorcyclists accounted for 247 deaths on Costa Rican roads between January and August 2026—a figure representing 58% of the 425 people who died at the scene of traffic accidents during that period, according to records from the Ministry of Public Works and Transport (MOPT).

This data identifies motorcyclists as the group with the highest number of fatalities on the country’s roads during the first eight months of the year.

This warning comes as the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ) identifies the behavior of certain motorcycle groups as a problem; these groups perform stunts, block the flow of other vehicles, and, in some cases, assault drivers who react to such conduct. Authorities stated that these actions could lead to traffic violations, administrative sanctions, or criminal investigations, depending on the circumstances of each incident.

Víctor Moreno, head of the Investigation Unit within the OIJ’s Section on Crimes against Physical Integrity and Traffic, stated that such groups have become a significant factor affecting road safety.

“The current trend involves groups of motorcyclists performing stunts and obstructing the free flow of traffic,” the official explained during a press conference.
Speeding was the leading cause associated with fatal accidents

MOPT data indicates that speeding was the cause associated with the highest number of traffic fatalities between January and August 2026, accounting for 146 deaths. Lane encroachment followed with 81 victims, while driver recklessness was linked to another 66 deaths recorded at the scene.

Official statistics make it possible to determine the number of people who died at the accident scene and the type of vehicle in which they were traveling. However, the records do not specify how many of the deceased motorcyclists were participating in illegal races, speeding, or performing dangerous maneuvers at the time of the crash.

The proportion of victims traveling by motorcycle reveals that nearly six out of every ten people who died in road accidents during the analyzed period were using this mode of transport. This finding aligns with the concern expressed by the OIJ regarding practices that can increase the risk not only for motorcyclists but also for other road users.

Stunts can cause accidents and affect other road users

Moreno explained that incidents linked to these groups are not limited to traffic obstruction or maneuvers performed on the road. The investigator noted situations where other drivers honk their horns due to the road being blocked and subsequently face aggression or damage to their vehicles.

“In many of these cases, people might honk at them, and it ends with the motorcycle riders assaulting drivers who are on their way home or to work, or damaging their vehicles,” Víctor Moreno said. This warning applies to those using the roads for personal or work-related travel who encounter difficulties continuing their journey.

The official also confirmed that some of the observed behaviors have already caused accidents with serious consequences. The risks extend to both those performing the maneuvers and those driving nearby, as a loss of control or encroachment into another’s space can affect more than one vehicle.

“There have been instances, for example, where they perform maneuvers prohibited by law, such as popping a wheelie,” Moreno noted. This refers to stunts involving riding on a single wheel—conduct not permitted under current legislation.

The police chief noted that a reform to the Traffic Law was approved this year, targeting individuals who use vehicles to perform stunts, tricks, and other maneuvers that go beyond standard driving practices. The regulations authorize authorities to intervene when such actions constitute a traffic violation or a criminal offense.

Administrative measures that may be applied include vehicle impoundment, though the decision depends on the specific circumstances of each case. Any potential criminal action would also depend on the conduct under investigation and the resulting consequences.

The OIJ has not yet conducted specific operations targeting these groups

Moreno acknowledged that illegal street races—known locally as ‘piques’—still occur in Costa Rica, though he maintained that they happen less frequently than in previous years. These events persist alongside groups that perform dangerous maneuvers or block the path of other vehicles.

The OIJ coordinates with the Traffic Police to conduct roadside alcohol checks. These efforts are part of a broader initiative to detect behaviors that endanger drivers, passengers, and pedestrians.

Despite this coordination, the investigator indicated that specific operations targeting groups involved in illegal racing or excessive speeding have not yet materialized. This official warning comes at a time when motorcyclists account for the majority of fatalities recorded at the scenes of traffic accidents during the first eight months of 2026.

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“In Nicaragua, there are no property rights for Nicaraguans or foreigners”

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Rico
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Q24N (Nicaragua) A new Nicaraguan law has sharply expanded the area designated as state-owned territory along the country’s borders, leaving landowners, farmers, Indigenous communities, and potential investors uncertain about their rights.

The Border Territory Law, approved on August 5, 2025, declares the area extending 15 kilometers inward from Nicaragua’s international borders to be “inalienable property” of the state. The measure replaces a 2010 law that recognized private and communal ownership within the border zone, while treating only the first five kilometers as inalienable state territory.

The change affects an estimated 18,735 to 18,885 square kilometers—more than 14% of Nicaragua’s national territory, according to legal experts consulted by the independent investigative digital media outlet from Nicaragua, Confidencial.digital.

For people who have lived and worked on the land for generations, the legal shift has created a deep sense of insecurity. One farmer, identified by Confidencial as Andrea, said she could no longer sell, inherit or mortgage her family’s property. She also suspended planned investments in crops, pasture and rural infrastructure because she no longer knows whether she retains meaningful control over the land.

“We are in limbo,” she said, describing the absence of regulations explaining what rights current occupants will have.

The law does not provide clear compensation for improvements, crops or other investments made by previous owners. It also contains only four articles and does not identify the government institution responsible for implementing it, according to Confidencial’s comparison of the new legislation with the law it replaced.

Read more: Nicaragua confiscates nine homes belonging to U.S. retirees

A legal change with broad economic consequences

The immediate issue is not merely formal ownership. Property rights determine whether people can sell land, use it as collateral, transfer it to heirs, lease it, or contribute it to a company. The lawyers interviewed by Confidencial warned that residents inside the 15-kilometer zone may lose the legal ability to carry out each of those transactions.

That creates a serious problem for farmers and businesses that rely on land-backed credit. Existing mortgages and agricultural guarantees could become difficult or impossible to enforce, while banks and private lenders may be less willing to finance activity in the affected areas.

The result is a freeze on investment. A producer who cannot confidently sell a property or pass it to the next generation has little reason to build infrastructure, expand cultivation or improve the land. Even before any physical eviction occurs, uncertainty can reduce the property’s economic value and weaken local economies.

This is the central significance of Nicaragua’s property crisis: ownership can remain nominally recognized in daily life while becoming unusable in practice.

From private ownership to state control

A Nicaraguan jurist interviewed anonymously by Confidencial characterized the law as part of a broader effort to build a state-centered property system. In his assessment, the policy reduces the area available for private and communal ownership and undermines the security needed by both domestic and foreign investors.

The new law also removes distinctions previously made among private, cooperative, communal, Indigenous and community property. It does not mention the population living in the border zone, and it omits the earlier law’s specific references to environmental protections and Indigenous communities.

That omission matters because the border strip includes forests, rivers, agricultural land, protected areas and Indigenous territories. A network of Indigenous rights defenders said the law could facilitate expropriations or forced displacement without prior, free and informed consent. The group estimates that roughly 100 Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities near the borders with Honduras and Costa Rica could be affected.

The concern is not hypothetical from the communities’ perspective. Residents along the Río Coco told Confidencial they feared the new legal framework could encourage further incursions by settlers into Indigenous lands while leaving local communities without clear information or effective protection.

A pattern beyond the border zone

The border law is part of a larger deterioration in Nicaragua’s property-rights environment. The country’s Constitution formally guarantees private property and prohibits confiscation, requiring expropriation to comply with the law and include fair compensation. Yet Confidencial has documented confiscations and state takeovers involving nonprofit organizations, political opponents, private businesses, media outlets, religious institutions and other property holders.

In 2023, Confidencial reported that dozens of nonprofit organizations had lost their legal status and that their properties had been occupied by the state. The investigation noted that these actions conflicted with constitutional protections, including the explicit prohibition on confiscation. Confidencial’s investigation described the resulting environment as one in which constitutional guarantees had become unreliable for many Nicaraguans.

Another institutional change has added to the concern. In 2023, the government moved Nicaragua’s public property registries from the Supreme Court to the Office of the Attorney General. Critics argued that placing the registry under the government’s legal representative removes an important judicial check and gives officials greater ability to alter records or transfer property without independent oversight. Confidencial reported that lawyers and economist Juan Sebastián Chamorro viewed the move as a major increase in legal insecurity.

Taken together, these measures suggest that the problem is not confined to a single border law. The broader pattern is a shift from property rights protected by independent institutions toward property rights dependent on executive authority.

Why foreign investors are also at risk

The law directly affects land inside Nicaragua, but its message extends beyond national borders. Foreign investors generally evaluate not only the written law but also whether courts, registries and administrative agencies can restrain arbitrary government action.

The U.S. Embassy in Managua has warned American citizens about the risks of buying or investing in property in Nicaragua, citing unstable property rights and arbitrary enforcement. The embassy also said the government regularly confiscates private property without prior notice or due process. Confidencial reported on the warning.

The economic logic is straightforward: if the government can redefine ownership across a vast territory, or confiscate property without a reliable judicial process, investors must account for political risk rather than relying solely on commercial calculations. Financing becomes more expensive, insurance becomes harder to obtain, and long-term projects become less attractive.

The damage can also spread to property outside the border zone. A government that disregards established ownership in one category of land may lead owners elsewhere to question whether their titles will remain secure during a political dispute.

Analysis: ownership without enforceable rights

The most important distinction is between having a title and having an enforceable right.

A title has value only when public institutions recognize it, protect it, and provide a remedy when it is violated. If a property cannot be sold, inherited, mortgaged, or defended in an independent court, the owner’s formal status becomes largely symbolic.

Nicaragua’s new border law appears to place thousands of residents in precisely that position.

They may continue occupying their homes and working their land, but the state now claims superior ownership while the law leaves their practical rights undefined. That ambiguity gives government agencies broad discretion and forces residents to delay decisions that would normally be routine.

The policy also reverses the direction of legal certainty. Instead of the government having to justify why private property should be taken, residents may be left waiting to learn whether the state will allow them to keep using what they already own. The absence of clear compensation rules deepens that imbalance.

For Indigenous communities, the stakes are even higher. Communal land is tied not only to individual wealth but also to collective governance, cultural continuity and access to natural resources. Treating those territories as state property without meaningful consultation risks weakening both communal autonomy and the legal protections intended to preserve it.

The broader conclusion is stark: Nicaragua may still have constitutional language protecting property, but the country’s practical property regime is increasingly shaped by political power.

For Nicaraguans and foreigners alike, ownership is becoming less a stable legal guarantee than a permission that can be narrowed, suspended or revoked by the state.

 

Confidencial.digital is an independent, investigative news and multimedia digital platform from Nicaragua, founded by Carlos Fernando Chamorro Barrios, son of former Nicaraguan President Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, who is currently in permanent exile in Costa Rica due to political persecution.

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Nicaragua confiscates nine homes belonging to U.S. retirees

By
Rico
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Q24N (Nicaragua) The transfer of nine homes located at Playa Gavilán, Tola, to the Nicaraguan Social Security Institute involved properties that belonged to U.S. retirees.

The operation took place in late August 2026, and according to the owners, there was no prior official notification.

The affected owners estimated the value of the structures, improvements, and contents at US$15 million. The houses were used for vacations, stays during the U.S. winter, and visits from family or friends.

The properties were not part of a formal condominium complex, although they were located in the same area and shared Mediterranean-style architectural features. Some included swimming pools and solar panels.

Read more: “In Nicaragua, there are no property rights for Nicaraguans or foreigners”

The owners learned of the measure through their employees

The retirees found out about the takeover after workers at the homes informed them that individuals identifying themselves as Social Security officials had arrived at the site. According to accounts gathered by Confidencial.digital, these men ordered the security guards to leave because the houses had been transferred to the Instituto Nicaragüense de Seguridad Social (INSS).

The owners had arrived in Nicaragua during the 2000s and completed construction in 2010. The homes were furnished and contained household appliances, clothing, furniture, artwork, and other personal items.

One of the affected individuals told the media that the total figure included investments in the nine homes and their furnishings. “The loss is substantial because the investment—covering improvements to the nine houses and the contents inside—easily reaches US$15 million dollars,” he stated.

The owners held renewable lease agreements with the Tola Municipality. Under Law 690 (Law for the Development of Coastal Zones), the structures could be privately owned, while the land remained state property.

Each resident paid an annual municipal fee of US$1,000, in addition to property taxes. One of the retirees maintained that the owners had kept up with their payments for over 15 years.

The same individual noted that the municipality had cancelled the lease agreement for the current year. “Out of nowhere, the mayor’s office cancelled this year’s lease agreement, and our homes were taken away,” he declared. The takeover affected local workers and services.

Following the transfer, the houses were guarded by individuals assigned by the regime, in agreement with the owners. Inquiries made to the National Police and the Tola Mayor’s Office confirmed that the properties belonged to the State.

The situation affected about 15 local workers who performed security, gardening, maintenance, cleaning, and cooking duties. One of the owners noted that the American residents’ stays also generated revenue for local businesses.

The retirees contacted the INSS headquarters in Managua. According to their accounts, an official proposed renting the homes to them for approximately US$2,000 per month.

“It’s a mockery; they take our houses away and then want to rent them back to us,” one of the owners remarked. As of the time of the report, the intended use of the properties remained unknown.

The transfer of nine homes at Playa Gavilán to the Nicaraguan Social Security Institute affected U.S. retirees who did not receive official notification. (Photo: Confidencial.digital)

The INSS has acquired 374 properties transferred to it since 2021

The Playa Gavilán case appears to be the first known instance of a property linked to foreign citizens—specifically U.S. nationals—being transferred to the INSS. According to a database compiled by the Confidencial, the Attorney General’s Office had donated 372 properties to the agency between 2024 and October 2026.

During the first 17 years of Daniel Ortega’s regime, the INSS received only two properties. With subsequent transfers, the total rose to 374 assets.

This figure surpassed the 188 properties granted to the Nicaraguan Army and the 41 handed over to the Managua Mayor’s Office. Since January 2007, the regime has transferred 848 properties to various institutions, municipal governments, state-owned enterprises, cooperatives, foundations, and trade organizations.

Managua accounted for 131 of the transfers to the INSS; Rivas for 104; Estelí for 71; and Matagalpa for 27. No donations to the agency were identified in Río San Juan, Boaco, Chontales, or the North Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region.

Most of the transfers to the INSS lacked information regarding land area, precise location, or cadastral numbers. Only six of the 374 properties included such registration details.

A real estate broker consulted by Confidencial.digital—who requested anonymity—suggested that this lack of information could limit the owners’ ability to file claims. The specialist noted that transferring a property without specifying its location or dimensions is highly unusual.

Among the properties for which information was provided is Zompopera Islet, which belonged to economist and former political prisoner Juan Sebastián Chamorro. Presidential Decree 135-2024 detailed the property’s surface area and its registration in the Public Property Registry of Granada.

United States advises caution regarding real estate investments

The U.S. owners reported the case to the U.S. Embassy in Managua via an email address designated for such inquiries. They stated that the response they received indicated the diplomatic mission could not intervene in property matters.

A State Department spokesperson stated that “it is deeply regrettable that the Government of Nicaragua repeatedly disregards property rights.” The agency noted that its travel advisory warns of potential seizures of land, homes, money, and financial assets without prior notice or legal justification.

The State Department recommended exercising caution when considering real estate investments in Nicaragua, particularly in coastal areas. It advised those facing property disputes to hire local legal counsel.

The U.S. agency indicated it is aware of property claims and investment disputes involving its citizens and the Nicaraguan regime. It also noted that it reports these situations to U.S. authorities annually, without specifying the number of affected individuals.

Official announcements present the transfers to the INSS as a measure intended to strengthen social security and expand coverage for workers and families. The owners of the Gavilán beach homes hope to recover the structures or receive compensation for their value and for the belongings left inside.

Confidencial.digital is an independent, investigative news and multimedia digital platform from Nicaragua, founded by Carlos Fernando Chamorro Barrios, son of former Nicaraguan President Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, who is currently in permanent exile in Costa Rica due to political persecution.

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Costa Rica records more than 300 aftershocks following Panama earthquake

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Costa Rican authorities continue to monitor the seismic activity triggered by the powerful 7.7-magnitude earthquake that struck Panama last Friday, October 9.

The Observatorio Vulcanológico y Sismológico de Costa Rica (Ovsicori-UNA)—Volcanological and Seismological Observatory of Costa Rica—has recorded over 300 aftershocks, some of which were felt in communities near the border between the two countries.

According to a report released by the Oviscori, its network of seismological stations had recorded more than 300 secondary tremors, 46 of which reached magnitudes greater than 4.5.

This figure reflects the intense ongoing activity in the area where the earthquake originated; the quake’s epicenter was located on the Azuero Peninsula in Panama, and it caused prolonged shaking across several Costa Rican provinces.

Although the aftershocks originate primarily within Panamanian territory, monitoring equipment installed in Costa Rica has successfully detected a significant number of these events, particularly those of higher magnitude.

Specialists explained that some of the secondary tremors were felt again by residents in the south of the country due to their proximity to the region where the tectonic activity persists.

“It is very likely that some were felt in Costa Rican communities near the border with Panama,” explained Wálter Jiménez, a seismologist at Ovsicori.

The earthquake caused damage to homes, buildings, and infrastructure in Panama, while Costa Rican authorities remain on alert for possible further tremors. (Photo by MARTIN BERNETTI / AFP)

Aftershocks subside, but seismic activity continues

Despite the high number of tremors, specialists noted that the activity recorded over the weekend aligns with the expected pattern following a major earthquake.

Ovsicori identified a downward trend in the frequency and magnitude of aftershocks—a phenomenon typically observed as time passes following the main event.

According to technical analysis, the seismic sequence is following a decaying exponential curve, meaning that secondary tremors tend to occur less frequently as the fault zone’s readjustment process progresses.

The Ovsicori described this behavior as “normal and to be expected in events of this magnitude.”

However, experts clarified that a gradual decline in activity does not mean the aftershocks have ended, nor does it rule out the possibility of further tremors being felt within Costa Rican territory.

The earthquake caused damage to homes, buildings, and infrastructure in Panama, while Costa Rican authorities remain on alert for possible further tremors. REUTERS/Enea Lebrun

How long might the tremors in Costa Rica continue?

Specialists from the Red Sismológica Nacional (RSN) de la Universidad de Costa Rica (UCR)—National Seismological Network (RSN) at the University of Costa Rica (UCR)—addressed the possibility of further seismic activity occurring over the coming weeks.

Seismologist Leopold Linkimer explained that, following a major earthquake, aftershock activity can persist for days, weeks, or even months, although it typically tends to gradually subside.

The expert also noted that the location of the epicenter—outside Costa Rican territory—poses a challenge for national monitoring systems.

This is because seismological stations are distributed primarily within Costa Rica, whereas most aftershocks originate at a considerable distance from these instruments.

Consequently, specialists can more easily locate stronger events, while smaller tremors are more difficult to identify with precision.

The Ovsicori and the RSN emphasized that it is impossible to predict with precision when a new aftershock will occur or what its magnitude will be.

However, the behavior observed so far indicates a progressive reduction in the most intense activity.

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2027 Marchano comes with increase in mandatory insurance

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Vehicle owners will face an average 4.03% increase in the cost of Mandatory Vehicle Insurance (SOA) for the 2027 vehicle registration renewal (Marchamo).

On Monday, the Superintendencia General de Seguros (Sugese)—General Superintendence of Insurance—announced that it had authorized the rates requested by the Instituto Nacional de Seguros (INS)—National Insurance Institute.

According to Sugese, the hike is due to a higher rate of traffic accidents and claims.

The increase would be 12.4% for buses, 5.4% for private vehicles, and 4.5% for motorcycles and mopeds. Conversely, rates are decreasing: -8.9% for light cargo vehicles (CL), -2.4% for heavy cargo vehicles (C), -7.5% for taxis (-7.5%), and -9.6% for special equipment.

The proposed premiums for 2027 are as follows:

  • Private Vehicle (ie sedans, *pickups, SUVs): ¢31,881 (+5.43%)
  • Motorcycles and Mopeds: ¢104,110 (+4.50%)
  • Buses: ¢91,108 (+12.40%)
  • Taxis: ¢67,799 (-7.50%)
  • Light Cargo (CL): ¢17,134 (-8.89%)
  • Heavy Cargo (C): ¢34,170 (-2.38%)
  • Special Equipment: ¢8,706 (-9.57%)

Note: These amounts apply solely to the SOA (Compulsory Vehicle Insurance) component. The total Marchamo amount includes other elements, such as the property tax administered by the Ministry of Finance and outstanding traffic fines.

Changes

Additionally, the INS announced a series of changes that will be implemented for the 2027 Marchamo.

The most significant change is the implementation of the digital Marchamo (vehicle registration sticker), which eliminates the need for users to pick up a new decal every year; moving forward, a single sticker will be issued that is designed to last 10 years.

This allows the registration fee to be paid online or through standard channels, while the same sticker remains affixed to the windshield for a decade.

This results in streamlined procedures, time savings, fewer in-person visits, and reduced use of paper and plastic.

It is important to clarify that this device does not include GPS tracking or monitor vehicle location.

The plan applies only to cars—not motorcycles—during the initial rollout phase.

Payment of the 2027 Marchamo will begin on November 2, 2026, as confirmed by the INS.

Collection (payment) for the 2027 registration sticker begins on November 2nd and incorporates technology and security features designed to prevent fraud, counterfeiting, or tampering.

“Proof of vehicle registration will remain a requirement that vehicle owners or drivers must be able to present when requested by authorities. From now on, the document will be digital and sent to the email address provided by the vehicle owner at the time of payment. If receipt via email is not possible, the INS will also provide alternative download options through its website or the INS Móvil app,” the INS stated.

*Update: Pickups was removed from private vehicles; pickups are tagged as light comercial (CL).

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Some U.S. Citizens in Costa Rica can still vote

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Rico
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The important United States midterm election takes place on Tuesday, November 3, 2026. Even though you live in Costa Rica, it is not too late.

If you’re voting from abroad, for most, this is the last U.S. address where you lived before moving overseas.

In these 17 states, you may still have time to register, request your ballot, and return it electronically by mid-October:

  1. Arizona
  2. California
  3. Colorado
  4. Delaware
  5. Hawaii
  6. Indiana
  7. Kansas
  8. Maine
  9. Massachusetts
  10. Mississippi
  11. Montana
  12. Nebraska
  13. Nevada
  14. ⁠North Carolina
  15. North Dakota
  16. ⁠Uta
  17. Washington.

Sadly, in other states, it may be too late unless you are already registered and have a ballot and use a courier service like FedEx or DHL to return your voted ballot.

Of course, it is possible to get on a plane, fly to your state, and vote in person.

Do you need help?

Contact help@votefromabroadcr.org or votefromabroad.org at any time with your questions.

Or WhatsApp Steve Johnson, Federal Voting Assistance Officer in Costa Rica, at 7106 9505.

 

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A link to organized crime would be sufficient for judges to order pretrial detention

By
Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Amid the country’s battle against drug trafficking, magistrates from the Third Court are proposing that pre-trial detention be mandated for individuals under investigation who have ties to organized crime.

Under this measure, any suspect involved in drug trafficking, money laundering, or corruption would be held in custody (remand), rather than remaining free under precautionary measures.

The magistrates have submitted this proposal to the Full Court, requesting the drafting of a bill to amend the Code of Criminal Procedure.

Currently, pre-trial detention is reserved solely for suspects deemed a flight risk or a threat to the administration of justice.

“The transformations in criminal activity over recent years pose new challenges for the criminal justice system. Operations involving organized structures, access to greater financial and logistical resources, the ability to influence third parties, and—in certain cases—the territorial reach of these structures can significantly impact the risks that criminal proceedings aim to mitigate,” the proposal notes.

The goal of the reform is to equip the justice system with tools that align with the current nature of criminal activity.

Additionally, the plan clarifies the timeframe for forwarding appeals to the appellate court and addresses the temporary suspension of individuals from public office.

Ultimately, the proposal would need to be debated and approved by legislators.

Notably, this is a proposal that both the previous and current administrations have been championing. Furthermore, the First and Second Courts are also driving changes to contentious-administrative and labor legislation to prevent the reinstatement of civil servants under investigation for acts of corruption.

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Panama records over 350 aftershocks following the 7.7 earthquake

By
Rico
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Q24N — The earthquake that struck Panama on Friday, October 9, 2026, registered as a magnitude 7.7 earthquake according to the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS). Its epicenter was located Near Pitaloza Arriba in south-central Panama’s Herrera province, at a shallow depth of about 10 to 12 km.

The Instituto de Geociencias de la Universidad de Panamá (IGC-UP)—Institute of Geosciences of the University of Panama—reported the quake at a magnitude of 7.5.

Sixty-six hours after the main earthquake, the IGC-UP reported that 49 seismic events were recorded over the last 24 hours, while the average magnitude of the aftershocks decreased from 4.7 on the first day to 3.8 during the most recent period.

Between Sunday night and the early hours of Monday alone, 96 aftershocks were recorded, according to a report presented by Malitzie Rivera, Deputy Director of Panama’s Sistema Nacional de Protección Civil (Sinaproc)—National Civil Protection System, on Telemetro Reporta.

According to the IGC-UP, aftershocks will continue as the fault zone readjusts following the main earthquake. This process can last for days, weeks, or even months, although the tremors generally tend to be of lower magnitude and occur at longer intervals.

The Tocumen International (Panama) Airport reported that flight operations gradually returned to normal on Sunday. However, ongoing aftershocks continue to necessitate preventive measures to ensure the safety of passengers and staff.

Tocumen General Manager José Ruiz Blanco reported the Airport is maintaining flight operations, although schedules may experience delays and changes due to security measures implemented following the earthquake.

Why didn’t the earthquake cause major damage in the capital city?

Ramiro Vargas, a structural engineer at the Technological University of Panama (UTP), explained that the depth of an earthquake is one of the factors determining how seismic waves propagate and affect buildings.

Vargas explained that magnitude is not the only factor determining a structure’s behavior during an earthquake. The depth of the seismic event, the distance to the epicenter, and the characteristics of the buildings also play a role.

According to the specialist, the seismic waves lose intensity as they propagate. According to preliminary analyses by the UTP’s seismic instrumentation program, the accelerations recorded near the epicenter were considerably higher than those observed in Panama City.

Across international borders and Tsunami warning

Because the earthquake occurred at a shallow depth, its seismic energy traveled efficiently over 200 kilometers to Panama City, where high-rise buildings were evacuated. Tremors were also reported across international borders in Costa Rica and Colombia, but no severe structural damage occurred.

The immense reach of the seismic waves prompted the U.S. National Tsunami Warning Center to temporarily issue alerts for the entire Pacific coastline spanning from Mexico all the way to Peru, though these were later lifted after confirming no threat existed.

 

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Landslide leaves 21 people trapped inside a busines

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — A landslide blocked the exit of the Los Bambúes Gastronomic Market (Food Fair) in Bolívar de Grecia, Alajuela, trapping some 21 people on Saturday afternoon.

The incident occurred at approximately 4:46 p.m. after heavy rainfall in the area. The Costa Rican Red Cross and the Fire Department launched an operation to extract the occupants and remove debris and other material accumulated along the access road, obstructing the exit.

According to the Red Cross’s final report, the landslide impacted the business after an accumulation of soil, rocks, and other debris blocked the main entrance.

The emergency services deployed three basic life support units, one advanced life support unit, and two rescue vehicles. Teams worked alongside firefighters to determine an exit route that would allow for the evacuation of the individuals without exposing them to the risk of further falling debris.

Authorities proceeded with caution due to the instability of the terrain. Initially, it was reported that the occupants remained inside the business because the landslide had blocked the only available entrance.

Sebastián Ramírez, the regional operations coordinator for the Costa Rican Red Cross, stated that emergency units successfully extracted all individuals trapped.

While responding to the incident, rescue workers assessed an 11-year-old girl. According to the final report provided by Ramírez, the minor did not require transport to a medical facility.

No other injuries resulting from the landslide were reported. Operations were carried out while agencies monitored site conditions, given the potential for further collapses in the area.

The Fire Department reported that a large volume of soil and debris slid down to the front of the business. The material blocked the main entrance and damaged a vehicle parked nearby.

Fire stations from Sarchí and Grecia deployed to the scene to assist with the response effort. Operations focused on ensuring the safe exit of the occupants and assessing safety conditions around the structure.

Accumulated debris and soil saturation mean the risk of further incidents remains in areas exposed to persistent rainfall.

Rain and Thunderstorm Alert

The incident occurred during a day marked by rainfall across various regions of Costa Rica.

The official weather forecast for this Monday, October 12, 2026:

At the beginning of the week, a rainy weather pattern is expected to persist across the country. However, rainfall activity is forecast to be scattered, with variations in its distribution and intensity across different regions.

During the early morning hours, showers accompanied by thunderstorms are expected over the Caribbean maritime regions and, to a lesser extent, the Pacific maritime regions. These precipitation events could extend toward coastal areas of the country. Elsewhere, skies are expected to remain mostly clear to partly cloudy. In the afternoon, scattered showers and thunderstorms are forecast over the Central Valley and the Pacific regions, while isolated rainfall is possible over the mountainous areas of the Caribbean and the Northern Zone.

The heaviest rainfall is expected over the Central and Southern Pacific, where precipitation could persist into the early evening hours and extend toward coastal areas.

The IMN also recommends exercising extreme caution in flood-prone areas, avoiding exposure to thunderstorms, and seeking shelter from wind gusts that could—in isolated cases—reach speeds of 80 km/h.

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Better Late Than Never

By
Mark Schreiber
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Q — In a rare triumph of the rule of law in Costa Rica, Sheldon Haseltine won his battle to remove a group of squatters from land in Herradura that he was legally given in 2007 by his late brother-in-law.

He actually won the case in court years ago. Still, the squatters appealed up to the Supreme Court, which has now finally upheld the lower court’s decision, namely that Haseltine’s company, Ivanhoe Investments S.A., owns legal title to the land and that the squatters did not meet the criteria for ownership under Agrarian Law.

Excerpts from the ruling, in English translation:

“…the appellants knew the property had a registered owner, because that was indicated on their
own plans…”

“it does not appear that [one of the squatters] entered the property due to a clear state of necessity to use the property for subsistence”

“…it was not proven that [two of the squatters] occupied the property out of a genuine state of necessity—an indispensable prerequisite for special agrarian adverse possession— since both appeared to have defined occupations—private accountant and secretary, and in another document [one of the squatters] even identified herself as a business executive—in addition to other documentary evidence incompatible with the status of a possessor in a state of need from the perspective of agrarian law.”

I have not named the squatters due to the perilously broad laws governing defamation in this country. Haseltine was once sued for such and told by the judge: “The truth is not a defense.”

That case was dismissed, but at considerable cost.

Haseltine has also received death threats in relation to his cases and was once encouraged to flee his property at the point of a machete.

However, I have included the Expediente number to the Supreme Court’s decision at the end of this article for those who wish to read it in full in the original Spanish.

Burn After Reading – Or Before

Apparently there is a premium on space in the Records Department and the staff have not
all caught on to digitization.Ivanhoe owns title to several other undeveloped lots. Another case is still pending due to an eccentricity in the law, or a devious trick, depending on whom you ask. Haseltine had filed a civil case when his hair was still brown and seemed poised to win when the prosecutor decided to criminally charge the defense lawyer for forging the title. The charge was justified, and the State eventually won.

However, Haseltine observed the defendant leaving the courtroom after the verdict and suspects the sentence was never imposed. What seemed to matter was the quirk in the law, which pends civil cases for criminal ones.

Unfortunately for Haseltine, the criminal case took over ten years. After the verdict, Haseltine fled the courtroom almost as quickly as the convicted lawyer, rushing to the clerk to have the civil case reinstated so he could finally get his other lots back. But to his horror, he was informed that files were only kept for ten years and his had been burned.

Apparently there is a premium on space in the Records Department and the staff have not
all caught on to digitization.

Haseltine was therefore pleasantly surprised last month to receive a judgment from the Juzgado Agrario de Puteranas that stated:

“…due to the existence of criminal-law annotations regarding the property subject to litigation, the issuance of the ruling was suspended in accordance with Article 201 of the Code of Civil Procedure (Law No. 7130, currently repealed). Subsequently, the case file was sent to the Judicial Archive for custody, where—according to information currently available to this Office—it was destroyed. This circumstance is particularly serious, given that, apparently, the case file had not been concluded nor did it fall under the criteria permitting its disposal;…”

Fortunately, Haseltine kept a copy of the file and the civil case can now, after more than a decade’s delay, proceed. (That Expediente number is also appended at the end of this article.)

Don Sheldon Quixote

In her new novel, The Museum of Lunacy, Roan St. John catalogs institutional corruption in a fictional Central American country not dissimilar to ours. While Q recently published yet another article touting Costa Rica as a top retirement destination, many property owners have been so frustrated by crooked notaries and lawyers and the lugubrious court system that they gave up on “paradise” and returned to their native country. Ironically, Haseltine never planned to retire here.

A successful restaurateur in New York and Old York, whose life is the subject of my new book, Andy Warhol Ate Here, he thought he was going to Puerto Rico because his then wife, Janine Milne, has been fighting, unsuccessfully, to get her properties back since then. Haseltine has taken on her case as well, since 1990.

But even with these recent victories, Haseltine will probably never recoup what he has spent in legal fees over the years.

But his crusade was never about money, or even land, but about principle and justice. He says he hopes these judicial decisions will lead to positive outcomes for other expats, as well as for Ticos who lack the resources to fight a decades-long battle.

Haseltine’s YouTube video from 2013 describing his crusade has been viewed over a million
times on various platforms, and he is often recognized on the street as “Don Sheldon.” And last week President Laura Fernández was asked if she would support the squatters and, to Haseltine’s delight, she answered that this was a matter for the Judicial branch, not the Executive.

Well, the Judiciary has spoken, to the relief of property owners throughout Costa Rica.

  • SALA PRIMERA, Exp: 02-160054-0417-AG, Res. Nº 001554-S1-2026
  • JUZGADO AGRARIO DE PUNTARENAS, EXPEDIENTE: 08-160099-0642-AG – 6.

Andy Warhol Ate Here: The Story of a Restaurant and its Outlandish Owner is available on
Amazon.

Screenshot
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Spiritual retreat in Costa Rica investigated for alleged fraud

By
Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Allegations of fraud, coercion, sexual offenses, and potential irregularities regarding the sale of lots and homes triggered an investigation into Earthwaking Village, an eco-village located in Platanillo de Pérez Zeledón.

On Tuesday, October 6, the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ) arrested two American men and two American women—identified as members of the site’s administration—in connection with a case involving an alleged US$600,000 fraud against foreigners who had participated in a spiritual retreat.

The community markets itself on social media as a project centered on spirituality and a self-sufficient lifestyle. Complainants claim they were offered properties and homes within the initiative. One individual stated they arrived at the site in 2022 after communicating for nearly a year with a man named England, whom they identify as the group’s alleged leader.

According to that account, early meetings focused on the supposed “fall of Babylon”—a term participants used to refer to the United States. The group discussed the potential collapse of institutions and the financial system, proposing the need to prepare for such a scenario by establishing a self-sufficient community in Costa Rica.

The complainant stated that the internal dynamic shifted when England began presenting himself as “the chosen one” and identifying as “the hand of God.” According to her account, participants were required to follow instructions based on the claim that God was acting through the leader. These statements are part of the testimony regarding the group’s operations and the facts presented to the authorities.

A report published by CRHoy.com indicates that, citing the risk of a financial collapse, attendees were encouraged to withdraw money held in bank accounts. According to the complainant, these funds were to be handed over to the pastor for investment in a cryptocurrency that—they were told—had been ordained by God.

The initiative initially focused on concepts such as “killing the ego” and serving the Kingdom of God. Over time, according to the complainant, the idea that “everything belongs to God” took hold; this assertion was allegedly used to deflect demands from individuals expecting the handover of homes or properties for which they had already made payments.

The complainant stated that she decided to leave Earthwaking Village because she feared for her life. She also maintained that the community’s dynamics had caused psychological harm to other people who had arrived there interested in the spiritual program. Lawyer estimates losses exceeding US$3 million.

Attorney Javier Chaverri Ross, representing several individuals who consider themselves aggrieved parties, stated that the reported financial loss exceeds US$3 million—equivalent to approximately ¢1.3 billion colones. This estimate accounts for a larger number of cases than the alleged US$600,000 fraud linked to the arrests and encompasses other financial damages reported by his clients.

Chaverri described the events as a “very well-orchestrated manipulation.” Those in charge allegedly encouraged participants to distance themselves from family and friends and urged them to apply for credit cards with the highest possible limits.

The lawyer stated that the available credit was subsequently used, leaving the resulting debt in the names of the individuals who had applied for the cards. This is one of the schemes described by the legal representative in complaints regarding the management of the eco-village.

Among the cases cited by Chaverri is that of a 67-year-old woman identified as an alleged victim of sexual offenses. According to the lawyer, when she reported the incident to other community members, those in charge allegedly attempted to silence her and blamed her for the events she had reported.

Complainants include citizens from three countries

The lawyer also noted that the administrators allegedly told foreign participants that the site held sovereign status independent of the rest of Costa Rica. According to Chaverri, this narrative was accompanied by claims that the leadership could administer justice within the community and warnings about the importance of avoiding a scandal.

The individuals claiming to be affected include citizens of the United States, Canada, and Costa Rica.

The investigation will aim to establish the scope of the reported events, verify the allegations, and determine the potential liability of the four detained U.S. citizens.

The OIJ identified the four detained individuals as:

  • A 44-year-old man surnamed England
  • A 44-year-old woman surnamed Hallman
  • A 63-year-old man surnamed Mc Dow
  • A 62-year-old woman surnamed Gingras.
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Costa Rica once again ranks among the best countries in the world for retirement in 2026

By
Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Costa Rica has been named the fourth-best country in the world for retirement in 2026, according to the Global Retirement Report and Index, which compared 46 residency programs for retirees.

The country ranked behind Uruguay, Mauritius and Spain, while placing ahead of Portugal, Latvia, Andorra, Italy and Greece.

It was also one of only three countries in the Americas to reach the ranking’s top 10, alongside Uruguay, which took first place, and Paraguay, which ranked sixth, according to Infobae.

The report evaluated destinations across five categories: quality of life, mobility and citizenship, tax optimization, procedural quality, and costs and investment. The scores among the leading countries were closely grouped, with fewer than four points separating the first- and tenth-ranked destinations.

Costa Rica’s strongest advantages were its tax rules and relatively low financial requirement for residency. The country received 88 points for tax optimization, ranking sixth among the 46 programs reviewed. Under its territorial tax system, foreign pensions are not taxed in Costa Rica. The report also cited the absence of wealth and inheritance taxes within its assessment criteria.

The country earned 95 points in the costs and investment category. Applicants for the pensionado residency program must demonstrate a lifetime pension of at least us$1,000 per month from a qualified source abroad—the lowest financial requirement among the 10 highest-ranked countries. This temporary residency program provides a legal pathway to live in Costa Rica for renewable two-year periods and opens a direct route to permanent residency after three consecutive years.

That amount can also cover a spouse and children under 25 without increasing the monthly income requirement for each dependent. The rule is not available to people whose income comes solely from investments or rental properties, since applicants must prove that the money comes from a lifetime pension provided by a public or private source.

Costa Rica also scored 95 points for mobility and citizenship. According to the report, foreign residents may apply for naturalization after seven years, and the country permits dual citizenship. Its quality-of-life score was 78, based on factors including living standards, personal safety, use of English in daily life and environmental quality.

The country’s main weakness was the immigration process. Costa Rica received only 64 points for procedural quality, placing 40th among the 46 programs evaluated. The report estimates that applications submitted through the Dirección General de Migración y Extranjería—Costa Rica’s immigration service—typically take between 12 and 18 months to process. Applicants may also budget between US$1,000 and US$2,000 for an immigration attorney.

That timeline compares unfavorably with other destinations in the top 10. Latvia’s procedure takes roughly two months, while Paraguay’s process is estimated at three to six months.

Uruguay led the 2026 ranking, earning particularly high scores for mobility and citizenship and for costs and investment. Mauritius followed in second place, supported by its tax performance, while Spain ranked third after scoring strongly for quality of life and citizenship access despite receiving the lowest tax score among the 46 countries.

The report cautioned that no destination is ideal for every retiree. Latin American countries such as Uruguay, Costa Rica and Paraguay tend to offer lower financial requirements and favorable treatment of foreign income. European destinations may provide strong quality-of-life indicators, easier access to European Union citizenship in some cases and greater mobility, but they can also impose higher taxes.

Costa Rica’s fourth-place ranking adds to its recent recognition as a retirement destination. Other international indexes have also placed the country near the top, citing its climate, healthcare, infrastructure and overall appeal to foreign retirees.

Taken together, the rankings point to a clear trade-off: Costa Rica offers relatively accessible residency requirements and favorable tax treatment, but prospective retirees must be prepared for a lengthy immigration process.

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Factors That Could Push the Dollar Higher Against Costa Rica’s Colón

By
Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Seven domestic and international factors could increase pressure on Costa Rica’s colón and drive up the value of the U.S. dollar, according to economist Norberto Zúñiga, a consultant with Ecoanálisis.

The variables include international prices, interest rates, exports, foreign investment, market expectations and the country’s fiscal outlook. Together, they could increase demand for foreign currency while reducing the supply of dollars available in the local market, according to Infobae.com.

One of the main risks comes from geopolitical conflicts and their effect on oil, raw materials, and food prices. Higher international prices make imports more expensive for Costa Rica and require more foreign currency to pay for them.

The country’s oil bill rose by nearly 50% during the first nine months of the year. That increase came as global interest rates remained elevated, adding pressure to the domestic foreign-exchange market.

Higher U.S. interest rates could also affect the colón. Yields on U.S. Treasury bonds reached 5.30% for 10-year securities and 5.60% for 30-year bonds. Those returns may encourage investors to move capital toward the United States, increasing demand for dollars in other markets.

Zúñiga said that the shift could become a catalyst for greater demand for foreign currency, although he noted that the size of any net capital outflows from Costa Rica cannot be predicted with certainty.

The performance of Costa Rica’s exports is another important factor. Zúñiga linked a possible slowdown to higher tariffs imposed on some Costa Rican products by the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump, as well as to the prolonged appreciation of the colón.

Companies operating under the Free Trade Zone Regime could be particularly exposed. Goods exports grew 3.8% during the first eight months of the year, compared with 15.7% during the same period a year earlier. Service exports also fell by more than 3% in the first half of the year.

A weaker export sector could reduce the flow of dollars into the country and make it more difficult to offset demand from importers, businesses and public-sector institutions.

Foreign direct investment is another concern. Announcements involving restructuring, partial closures and layoffs at free-zone companies have raised questions about whether investment inflows could decline. Zúñiga cited the sale of Florida Ice & Farm operations to Heineken as an exception, but suggested that investment could weaken once that transaction is excluded.

Expectations among businesses, investors and other market participants may also influence the exchange rate. If a significant share of the market expects the colón to depreciate, companies and investors may purchase dollars in advance, increasing demand and reducing the amount available for sale.

Costa Rica’s fiscal outlook could reinforce those expectations. Concerns about public finances may affect perceptions of the country’s risk and influence future credit-rating decisions. A deterioration in either area could prompt additional demand for dollars.

The exchange rate had already shown unusual movement before the report. The weighted average rate rose by more than ¢1 per day in eight of the 10 business sessions preceding October 5. The currency’s cumulative decline reached ¢10.89, or 2.43%, bringing the dollar to ¢458.67—its highest level in three months.

Trading activity in the Monex, the official wholesale foreign exchange market, was relatively limited during that period. No daily session exceeded US$40 million, one remained below $20 million, and the average stood at US$31 million.

The Central Bank of Costa Rica sold US$187.9 million to the nonfinancial public sector and purchased US$128.3 million through Monex. The difference required the bank to use US$59.6 million from its international monetary reserves.

Private-sector banking operations remained in surplus, but they were not enough to cover public-sector needs, including those of the Costa Rican Petroleum Refinery.

Zúñiga said the recent behavior of the dollar was unusual and stressed that no model can predict the exchange rate with certainty. Still, he argued that a combination of higher import costs, weaker export and investment flows, stronger U.S. returns and changing market expectations could place additional pressure on the colón.

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A hit to the wallet: Fuel prices to rise by up to ¢89 in November

By
Rico
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0

Q COSTA RICA — Fuel prices will rise again in November, according to preliminary data submitted by the Refinadora Costarricense de Petróleo (Recope), the state refinery that refines nothing, to the regulatory authority on Friday, October 9.

The Recope estimates that regular gasoline will see the largest increase—¢89—bringing the price to ¢808 per liter; Super gasoline is expected to rise by ¢42, reaching ¢806; Diesel is expected to increase by ¢31, which would set the price per liter at ¢816.

LPG gas and other fuels will also see an increase. For example, a 25-pound (11.34 kg) cylinder of LPG, the most commonly used in homes across the country for indoor and outdoor household kitchens, would reach ¢7,719, reflecting an increase of ¢547.

Recope attributes these price changes to the crisis in the Middle East, risks along oil transport routes, and a decline in global reserves.

Not if, but when approved by the Autoridad Reguladora de los Servicios Públicos (ARESEP), after a review to determine the final price adjustments, the hike will take effect in the first few days of November.

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When the Prosecutor’s Office is doing its job effectively, the Presidency appears to feel threatened

By
Rico
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RICO’s Q — One might expect President Laura Fernández to welcome the Organismo de Investigación Judicial’s (OIJ) efforts to uncover corruption. Instead, she appears concerned about the recent high-profile raids and arrests targeting leaders of criminal organizations accused of drug trafficking and money laundering.

But it seems like she’s scared, questioning the recent cases of raids and detentions of leaders of criminal organizations involved in drug trafficking and money laundering, with high media exposure.

During a recent press conference, Fernández said: “I hope the Fiscalía (Prosecutor’s Office) doesn’t use the current situation as an excuse to stage raids, put on a spectacle, and haul people away in paddy wagons—as we saw with Doña Marta Esquivel—only to later say, ‘Oops, there was nothing there.’”

One might think that President Laura Fernández would be happy that the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ) is working and rooting out corruption.

On the one hand, Doña Laura has repeatedly criticized the OIJ, the Prosecutor’s Office, and the courts for failing to act. Yet when those same institutions do take action, she criticizes them for that as well.

In Costa Rica, defendants have rights. Not everyone under investigation need to be placed in preventive detention (remand) while the judicial authorities gather evidence, determine whether formal charges are warranted, and prepare for trial.

The controversy intensified this week after the detention last Friday of Guobin Tam Zhang, a naturalized Costa Rican citizen who is facing extradition to the United States. Tam Zhang attended two events at which Laura Fernández was present: the victory celebration on February 1 and the transfer of power on May 8.

Online comments reflected the frustration many Costa Ricans feel toward the president. One person wrote:

“That idiot Labruta [Fernández], instead of cooperating, only wants to obstruct the investigation. Rather than helping clarify the possible links to drug trafficking, they want to keep them hidden.”

Another comment said:

“Is this really the independence of the branches of government, or is it the @FiscaliaCR operating according to your wishes? The Poses-Fiesterita president wants to dictate when, how, and to whom she grants clearance. Her ‘Oops,’ delivered as a ‘criolla gringa,’ reveals her desire for prosecutors who obey her and for her presidential tantrums to become law.”

A third commenter wrote:

“Seriously, fire your public-relations team. At such a critical moment, when the Prosecutor’s Office is doing its job, the only impression you’re creating is that you’re afraid the investigation is going to catch up with you. In what world does that make sense?”

The controversy surrounding Tam Zhang grew after Freddy González, a senior member of the ruling Partido Pueblo Soberano (PPSO), denied knowing him. González is believed to have been acquainted with Tam Zhang and to have invited him to the private events. His explanation, paraphrased, was that “…all Chinese people look alike.”

Tam Zhang’s former girlfriend, who described herself in a public statement on Tuesday as the Oriental man’s ex-partner, sharply criticized González for claiming that he did not know Tam Zhang.

Next, on Wednesday morning, the OIJ raided the homes of event promoters Don Stockwell and Hugo Barboza as part of an investigation into suspected money laundering involving drug proceeds.

It was subsequently revealed that Laura Fernández had met Barboza and embraced him.

Photos and videos circulated afterward showing President Fernández socializing with Barboza backstage. She kissed the event promoter and accepted flowers from him. When questioned by the press, Fernández was quick to emphasize that she had received flowers—and nothing else.

That raises an obvious question: Where was the DIS, the Dirección de Inteligencia y Seguridad, Costa Rica’s intelligence and security service, which is responsible for protecting the president and safeguarding the country’s interests?

The agency operates under the authority of the Presidency and reports directly to the Minister of the Presidency and the president’s office.

The answer is even more troubling. The director of the DIS accompanied Laura Fernández to the event when she was president-elect and still serving as Minister of the Presidency in the previous administration. Yet the DIS issued no warning in this case either.

So what, exactly, is the purpose of the DIS?

Its priorities appear to lie elsewhere: monitoring people carrying lanterns in Cartago and surveilling legislators, as suggested by a complaint filed by former Chavista legislator Manuel Morales.

That is not an exaggeration. Morales alleged that the DIS planted an electronic tracking device on his partner’s vehicle.

To be clear, the DIS reports directly to Laura Fernández and Rodrigo Chaves. Yet the agency apparently knew nothing about Guobin Tam Zhang or Hugo Barboza—not because such connections were impossible to discover, but because fighting crime does not appear to be its priority.

Rodrigo Chaves, who served as president and is now Minister of the Presidency in the current administration, and Laura Fernández, who is now president after serving as Minister of the Presidency under Chaves, seem more interested in using the DIS as a political police force—one that monitors political parties and civil society—than as an agency focused on protecting the country and combating crime.

 

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Ana Elena Pinto named Costa Rica’s new Foreign Minister

By
Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Ana Elena Pinto Lizano is the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, assuming the role following the dismissal of Manuel Tovar Rivera on September 24.

The appointment concludes the transition period that began after Tovar’s departure; he was removed from office by President Laura Fernández after participating in an event for the “Shield of the Americas” (Escudo de las Américas) initiative without informing the president beforehand.

As reported by the Presidential House at the time, Tovar participated in a “Shield of the Americas” session in New York on September 22—an event linked to U.S. authorities—without having communicated the details of the activity to Fernández in advance. The government noted that the oversight prevented the president from participating in a high-level meeting led by U.S. President Donald Trump.

Fernández later stated that there were “errors that cannot be overlooked” when referring to the decision to remove the foreign minister.

The new foreign minister is a career diplomat with over two decades of experience in Costa Rica’s Foreign Service.

Ana Elena Pinto Lizano is an international relations specialist holding a Master’s degree in International Management and Negotiations from the State Distance Learning University (UNED), as well as a postgraduate diploma in Diplomatic Training from the Centre for Diplomatic and Strategic Studies (CEDS) in Paris, France.

Throughout her career, she has held various positions of responsibility, both in Costa Rican missions abroad and within the Foreign Ministry itself.

Her professional background includes roles related to foreign policy, international relations, international negotiation, multilateral organizations, international cooperation, and the promotion of the economy, tourism, and culture.

Pinto has over 20 years of experience in the Foreign Service and recently served as Costa Rica’s ambassador to France

Her most recent responsibilities include serving as Costa Rica’s ambassador to the French Republic and the Principality of Monaco, as well as permanent delegate to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and representative to the International Organization of La Francophonie.

This appointment means that a career diplomat will now directly lead the country’s foreign policy from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship.

Pinto arrives at the Foreign Ministry during a period of institutional restructuring triggered by the dismissal of Tovar, who had been appointed by Fernández at the start of her administration on May 8, 2026.

The new head of the ministry will take charge of an agenda that includes bilateral relations, participation in multilateral organizations, international cooperation, the promotion of Costa Rican interests abroad, and monitoring key international policy issues.

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Costa Rica adds new air routes to Guanacaste from Austin and Nashville

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Rico
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0

Q COSTA RICA — Southwest Airlines will expand its connectivity to Costa Rica in 2027 with new service from Austin, Texas, and Nashville, Tennessee, to Guanacaste Airport, as announced by the airport and the Costa Rican Tourism Board (ICT).

The new connections are part of efforts to expand travel options between the United States and Guanacaste province, one of Costa Rica’s top tourist destinations for international travelers.

The route between Austin-Bergstrom International Airport (AUS) and Guanacaste Airport in Liberia (LIR)will begin operations on June 5, 2027, and run through August 1 of that same year.

Flights will operate on Saturdays and Sundays, resulting in two weekly frequencies during the announced period.

Service will be provided using Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft, which have a capacity of 175 passengers, according to information released by Guanacaste Airport, a member of the VINCI Airports network.

Currently, there are no direct flights between the two airports; Southwest’s entry will restore the non-stop connection between Austin and Guanacaste.

For Costa Rican authorities, these new routes represent an opportunity to boost traveler arrivals from the United States and increase direct air access options to Guanacaste.

 

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Chinese-Costa Rican man wanted by the U.S. to remain in maximum security pending extradition proceedings

By
Rico
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0

Q COSTA RICA — Guobin Tam Zhang—a naturalized Costa Rican citizen of Chinese origin wanted by the United States for alleged links to international drug trafficking and money laundering—will remain detained in the maximum-security wing of the Jorge Arturo Montero Castro Institutional Care Center (known as La Reforma) while Costa Rican courts resolve the extradition proceedings against him.

The Ministry of Justice confirmed that this decision was made after analyzing the detainee’s profile and considering his alleged ties to criminal organizations involved in drug trafficking and money laundering.

Tam Zhang, 54, who made the headlines this week when it was learned that the alleged drug trafficker attended Laura Fernández’s victory celebration, an invitation-only affair, was transferred to a maximum-security solitary confinement cell subject to a heightened surveillance regime. This includes controls on his visits, phone calls, interactions with prison staff, meals, personal belongings, and other movements within the facility.

He will remain in this section while the judicial proceedings regarding the request filed by U.S. authorities continue.

The San José Criminal Court initially ordered two months of provisional detention for the individual facing extradition; this measure took effect upon his arrest and ensures he remains in custody while the necessary legal procedures are carried out.

Tam Zhang was arrested on October 2 in Costa Rica following an operation coordinated by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the Public Force, the Drug Control Police (PCD), and U.S. authorities.

Tam Zhang, according to information provided by the DEA, he has ties to criminal organizations such as the Sinaloa Cartel, the Gulf Cartel, and the Gulf Clan.

As of June 2026, the Ministry of Justice mandated that inmates subject to extradition orders may only receive visits via prison visitation booths, physically separated from their visitors by safety glass.

The institution also ordered prison officers to use body cameras whenever they handle requests from or interact with individuals in this category.

Strict monitoring within La Reforma

The Ministry of Justice stated that it will maintain a detailed log of the detainee’s interactions while he is held in maximum security. Monitoring measures will cover family and attorney visits, telephone communications, contact with staff, meals, and movement within the correctional facility.

The individual facing extradition will be subject to strict controls regarding visits, calls, contacts, and movements within the correctional facility

The regime also stipulates that he remain alone in his cell—a measure applied to other high-profile inmates.

Placing the detainee in maximum security does not constitute a ruling on the extradition request, nor does it determine his criminal liability.

The proceedings will continue under the jurisdiction of Costa Rican judicial authorities, who must evaluate the documentation submitted by the United States and decide whether to authorize his surrender.

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So, they’re going to revoke Chaves’s visa?

By
Q Costa Rica
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0

QCR — Recently, there has been persistent and repeated circulation of social media posts speculating that the U.S. government might revoke the U.S. visa of former president and dual-portfolio minister Rodrigo Chaves.

There was even talk of the possibility that his extradition might be requested.

“I never took any of that seriously. I dismissed it from the very start. Furthermore, I am convinced that as long as Trump is president of the United States, Chaves will be protected,” writes Luis Paulino Vargas Solís, a prominent Costa Rican economist, academic, author, and political figure, on his Facebook page.

Solís continues:

“I cannot know—nor do I claim to know—whether the United States might have grounds to take such actions against Mr. Chaves. But I highly doubt that, even if they did have grounds, they would want to take action.

“That said, it has not escaped my notice that Mr. Chaves’s administration made many decisions that were strangely favorable to the interests of drug trafficking mafias.

“This quite rightly gave rise to talk of a ‘narco-government’.

“And things have not improved much under the Fernández administration.

“All their proposals address the symptoms of the problem rather than the structures underpinning the power of the mafias—whose criminal activities generate those symptoms or consequences.

“This approach is demagogic precisely because it strives to convey to the public that action is being taken against what causes the most distress—criminal acts and murders—while, in reality, it fails to combat the underlying network that drives it all.

“Moreover, the Fernández administration is dedicated, with relentless zeal, to undermining the OIJ—Costa Rica’s most professional police force and the one that has achieved the best results in the fight against organized crime. To top it all off, this is a government that is dismantling—at a brutal pace—all the public policies essential for creating the social conditions of inclusion, opportunity, and equity needed to prevent the pernicious influence of organized crime, especially among the youth.

“Furthermore, when one sees a figure—currently awaiting possible extradition to the United States on money laundering charges—moving within President Fernández’s inner circle, it is impossible not to be alarmed and, consequently, ask: What happened here? What connections did this man have to the Chavista leadership that allowed him to move in such “exclusive” circles?

“One would have to be completely indifferent—utterly detached from reality—not to be concerned about all this.

“It is an entirely different matter to imagine that the Trump administration would want to target Chaves.

“That is highly unlikely.

“For Trump, the issue of drug trafficking is merely a smokescreen concealing his true strategy: entangling Latin America in a web of far-right, fascist regimes that are typically criminal and mafia-like in nature.

“Anyone who acts as a loyal pawn in service of that strategy enjoys Trump’s full protection.

“We have evidence that confirms this.”

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Atenas Voter Assistance Event

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Guest Contributor
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0

By Rosalie Olds —  Atenas seems to be a gathering place for retirees from the United States to live. And no wonder: it is beautiful, the shops and restaurants cater to English speakers, the views are spectacular, and the weather is said to be the best in Costa Rica.

On Tuesday, 6 October 2026, U.S. citizens gathered to ensure their votes are counted in the upcoming U.S. mid-term elections on November 3, 2026.

At the Baruch Restaurant, 67 people signed in. Many people received assistance with printing, faxing, requesting, and mailing their ballots.

Representatives from the U.S. Embassy in Costa Rica also held a Town Hall meeting where they assisted people in renewing their passports. There was even music.

A few people attended who had never voted from abroad. They needed help to do it. A volunteer told about one couple who were especially eager and enthusiastic to vote for the first time from outside the U.S. The volunteer added,”I’m pretty sure they weren’t the only ones!”

Several people were anxious about mailing their ballots correctly. Volunteers worked patiently with them to make sure that each step was followed correctly.

Lots of people needed to request ballots. The volunteers helped them to complete the voter registration and absentee ballot request form, known by its initials as the FPCA. It is a federal application form which all states must accept. Others needed to complete the Federal Write-In Absentee Ballot (FWAB) to meet voting deadlines.

From the number of smiles, thanks, and new friendships, in addition to actually exercising their right to vote, it was clear that the event was a success!

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More than 557,000 minors live in poverty in Costa Rica

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — More than 557,000 minors live in poverty in Costa Rica, according to estimates from the study “La deuda de Costa Rica con sus niños, niñas y adolescentes” (Costa Rica’s Debt to Its Children and Adolescents).

The study was conducted by Ana Teresa León Sáenz—a psychologist and retired professor from the Universidad Nacional (UNA)—and released by the National Council of Rectors (Conare).

Of the 810,394 minors receiving aid from the Instituto Mixto de Ayuda Social (IMAS)—Joint Institute for Social Aid—who were assessed in 2024, the majority—nearly four out of ten—live in extreme poverty (290,026); three out of ten live in basic poverty (267,167); and the remaining third (253,201) are classified as non-poor.

These figures come from the Sistema Nacional de Información y Registro Único de Beneficiarios del Estado (Sinirube)—National Information System and Single Registry of State Beneficiaries. Additionally, León’s research includes calculations regarding the number of minors living in poverty, broken down by age group (0–12 and 13–17 years old) and by province.

Alajuela and San José are the provinces with the highest numbers of children aged 0 to 12 living in basic and extreme poverty. Alajuela has over 50,000 IMAS beneficiaries in the extreme poverty category and 35,000 in the basic poverty category, while in San José, both figures hover around 45,000.

These two provinces also record the highest figures for the 13–17 age group, with the number of adolescents in these circumstances ranging between 19,000 and 27,000. For León, poverty is arguably the most critical factor regarding the situation of children and adolescents, given that—simply put—it entails effects such as stress, poor nutrition, and socio-environmental risks.

“At the core is the impact on the brain. Which parts of the brain are affected? In some cases, it is the amygdala (the seat of emotional reaction), the hippocampus, the cortex, and neurotransmitters.”

What could be done?

The book presented by Conare explains that the implications of this data highlight a clear need for compensatory or supplementary resources to help these minors’ families “get ahead.”

“It is worth highlighting the importance of evaluating whether aid programs like Avancemos are effectively enabling minors to attend school, as well as determining appropriate payment amounts and the number of minors who should receive them,” the analysis details.

Likewise, the study emphasizes the urgent need to develop a care network (Red de Cuido) for children up to age 12, alongside other recreational strategies aimed at populations living in poverty.

About the study

The research conducted by León analyzes the living conditions of minors in Costa Rica—using data gathered from various studies covering birth rates, family conditions, demographic projections for minors, and other aspects—and identifies key challenges in areas such as poverty, health, education, recreation, housing, and protection against situations of vulnerability.

The book also includes data compiled specifically for each of Costa Rica’s provinces.

Additionally, Conare presented a series of general proposals based on these findings, covering educational, preventive, care, and protection measures, with an emphasis on early childhood, family support, the prevention of vulnerability, and the strengthening of services aimed at this population.

Examples include “Crib Boxes” (Cajas Cuna)—accompanied by educational programs for beneficiary mothers—and “Bebetecas,” conceived as mobile services offering education on positive parenting to mothers, fathers, and caregivers of children under the age of four.

Furthermore, the council proposed strengthening the response capacity of the National Child Welfare Agency (PANI)—in its role as the technical governing body for matters concerning children and adolescents—as well as improving coordination with other public institutions.

 

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PLN proposes excluding sexual offenses from constitutional immunity

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — On Monday, October 6, the Partido Liberación Nacional (PLN) caucus introduced a partial amendment to the Constitution seeking to exclude sexual offenses from the immunity currently granted to members of the supreme branches of government.

This would allow investigations or criminal proceedings regarding such conduct to move forward without first requiring a vote by the Legislative Assembly.

The initiative, led by PLN caucus chief Álvaro Ramírez, proposes amending Articles 110, 121 (subsection 9), 143, and 151 of the Constitution.

The proposal does not eliminate constitutional immunity but rather creates an exception for cases of sexual abuse, sexual harassment, or any other offense of a sexual nature. According to the text, the immunity would continue to protect officials against potential political persecution related to the performance of their duties.

Ramírez stated: “We have viewed with great concern how the immunity enjoyed by high-ranking officials of the supreme branches of government is used as a shield of impunity against serious cases—such as those we have witnessed—involving sexual offenses, harassment, and sexual abuse; this cannot continue to happen.”

Ramírez noted during a press conference that immunity was not created to shield public officials from accountability for such conduct, but rather to allow them to perform their duties without facing political reprisals. The legislator stated that his parliamentary group hopes to secure the support of other factions to pass the reform.

The amendment to Article 110 would expressly establish that parliamentary immunity would not prevent the investigation, criminal prosecution, or trial of lawmakers for sexual abuse, sexual harassment, or other sexual offenses, and that prior authorization from the Legislative Assembly would not be required in such cases.

The reform to Article 121, subsection 9—which currently empowers Congress to decide, by a two-thirds majority of its total membership (38 votes), whether to admit an accusation against certain high-ranking officials—would add an exception for sexual offenses. In such cases, a criminal investigation could begin or proceed without Congress first declaring that there are grounds for prosecution.

The bill would also amend Article 143 to establish that the immunity enjoyed by government ministers would not prevent their investigation or trial for sexual offenses, while Article 151 would allow for the investigation and criminal prosecution of the President or Vice President of the Republic for those same offenses without a prior declaration of grounds for prosecution by the Legislative Assembly.

The proposal further stipulates that individuals subject to such proceedings would retain due process guarantees and the right to a defense. The text clarifies that excluding these offenses from the immunity-lifting procedure does not imply a declaration of guilt, nor does it result in an automatic sanction or removal from office.

PLN legislator Janice Patricia Sandí stated that maintaining a political filter… …in such cases can send a message of impunity to victims of sexual violence.

We cannot allow the wrong message—one of impunity shielded by immunity—to reach the thousands of women who have been victims of sexual harassment, whether in the family or the workplace.”

Sandí questioned the fact that complaints regarding sexual harassment within Congress could conclude solely with internal measures, maintaining that such matters should be referred to the judicial system when appropriate.

It is unacceptable to walk away from the Legislative Assembly with nothing more than a verbal reprimand or a warning in a case of sexual harassment occurring within the Republic’s primary branch of government.”

The bill’s explanatory statement notes that the reform also addresses incidents occurring within the Legislative Assembly itself and questions the requirement that a complainant must first clear a political vote involving 38 lawmakers before a court can hear the facts of the case. The document also cites Judiciary statistics showing that, in 2024, 15,562 women were recorded as victims of sexual offenses, representing 87% of the total figure reported by the source.

When asked about the votes required to pass a constitutional reform, Ramírez noted that the PLN had initiated talks to secure support and expressed hope that the stance taken by other parliamentary groups regarding recent allegations would translate into support for the initiative.

“The important thing is to change the rules of the game, and for those rules to reflect the political and ethical commitment we hold,” he stated.

Ramírez also referred to the case of ruling-party legislator Fernando Obaldía Álvarez of the Partido Pueblo Soberano (PPSO) and the willingness expressed by other parliamentary groups to allow the investigation concerning that legislator to move forward.

The PLN caucus leader maintained that the use of political power in cases of sexual abuse is “unacceptable” and asserted that the reform aims to establish a general rule for high-ranking officials covered by parliamentary immunity.

 

This article is a translated and adapted from Delfino.cr. While every effort has been made to preserve the original meaning, tone, and intent, certain words, expressions, cultural references, or examples may have been modified to make the content clear and relevant to the target audience.

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Freddy González: “… all Chinese people look alike”

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA  — Kathleen Quirós—a cooperative sector leader and the romantic partner of Juan Carlos Tam Cheong, as Goubin Tam Zhang is known, a Chinese-Costa Rican national facing extradition—maintains a close relationship with Freddy González, the secretary-general of the Partido Pueblo Soberano (PPSO).

Tam Zhang has appeared in photographs with Freddy González, the leader of Costa Rica’s Pueblo Soberano party, according to a report by CRHoy.

The photographs have drawn attention because Quirós’s romantic partner is reportedly wanted by U.S. authorities. The images place her in the orbit of González, a prominent figure in the PPSO, and raise questions about the political leader’s social and political contacts.

The report does not, by itself, establish that González committed a crime or that he participated in any illegal activity. Nor does the existence of a photograph prove that Quirós or González knew about, supported, or benefited from any alleged criminal conduct involving her partner. Those distinctions matter, particularly when the central evidence presented is based on personal proximity and public images.

Still, the episode carries political weight.

González acknowledged knowing the cooperative leader and even admitted to being aware of her romantic relationship with Tam Zhang, who obtained Costa Rican citizenship years ago. The man owns several bars in San José and, wanted by the DEA, was arrested Friday pending extradition to the United States.

However, González denied knowing how Tam came to attend the event celebrating Laura Fernández’s campaign victory at the former Aurola Holiday Inn in downtown San José, now rebranded as the Delta Hotels by Marriott San José Aurola, where Tam was photographed with presidential advisor Pilar Cisneros.

Freddy González, the leader of Costa Rica’s Pueblo Soberano party with Kathleen Quirós

“I know Ms. Kathleen Quirós; she is a cooperative representative at Conacoop (…), but all Chinese people look alike. I can tell you that I do know Ms. Kathleen; she is a member of the Conacoop board of directors. As far as I understand, she had a romantic relationship with Mr. Tam Zhang, but I don’t know further details about that.

It has come as a surprise to everyone; Ms. Kathleen is a colleague of ours, and she has not been the subject of an investigation, as far as I understand. We will have to wait and see,” González stated in an interview with La Octava.

Despite acknowledging Tam Zhang, who is facing extradition and his apparent romantic ties, Freddy González stated in the same interview that he did not know how Tam Zhang had appeared at the official event marking the election results, nor did he spot him on the guest list—given that up to a thousand people were present at the hotel where the wanted man was photographed with Cisneros.

At that same event, another partner of the man facing extradition—Argerie Valverde Venegas, with whom Tam Zhang has two children—was personally photographed with Laura Fernández, who was by then the president-elect following the preliminary results of the previous February 1st.

From Crhoy.com

The secretary of the PPSO acknowledged that controls can be circumvented by organized crime; while maintaining that “Juan Carlos” does not appear directly as a financier, he stated that the revelations compel the party to be stricter.

CRhoy.com reports that although González has not answered their calls or messages since Saturday, he spoke to them on Monday, outside the National Cooperative Council (Conacoop)—despite being barred from holding public office.

Mayuli Ortega, Cisneros, and Fernández likewise did not take responsibility for the presence of the individual facing extradition at the event. CRHoy.com says it attempted to obtain Quirós’s position regarding his relationship with the individual facing extradition, but he has not responded to messages or calls since Monday morning.

Who is she?

Kathleen Quirós Álvarez has been involved with Conacoop at various stages and serves as vice president of Coopeasamblea R.L. She is also a director of the National Committee of Cooperative Women and has served as president of Coopespecialización R.L.

In July 2023, she was appointed alongside Freddy González to the Conacoop board of directors—he as president and she as an alternate member. As a Conacoop representative, she appears in numerous photographs from events held by the previous administration.

Like González—whom she has known for years—Quirós has a background with the Partido Liberación Nacional (PLN), where she was an active participant and worked as a legislative advisor. Her professional relationship with Congress spans nearly a decade, during which she held several high-profile positions and earned salaries of up to ¢1.4 million.

 

Freddy González stepped down as president of Conacoop in early February 2025 after being barred from holding public office for five years—a sanction imposed by the Comptroller General’s Office. A ruling by the Supreme Court upheld the penalty, which stemmed from irregularities committed by González during his tenure at Infocoop in 2009.

Upon his departure, the cooperative movement’s Plenary Assembly decided to name him honorary president of the organization. In addition to being a key figure in the PPSO and Laura Fernández’s electoral victory, González has attended official events at Casa Presidencial holding that title, a practice that has led to formal complaints against him.

Quirós holds a degree in Education and a master’s degree in Business Administration; she worked for years at the Ministry of Public Education (MEP). A native of Puntarenas, she is 40 years old and ran for a legislative seat representing the Costa Rica Justa (CRJ) party in the 2022 elections.

Quirós with former president and now super minister, Rodrigo Chaves

The “major money launderer”

According to González, this woman from Puntarenas was in a romantic relationship with Guobin Tam Zhang—the official name of the man described by the Casa Presidencial as Costa Rica’s “major money launderer for drug trafficking.” He was arrested last Friday by the Attorney General’s Office and the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).

Originally from the Chinese city of Canton, he is 54 years old and was listed as a business owner operating bars and restaurants in various parts of San José. He is wanted for extradition due to alleged ties to Mexico’s Gulf Cartel and Sinaloa Cartel, as well as Colombia’s Gulf Clan.

Following his arrest in Granadilla de Curridabat—an operation supported by the police—he remained in judicial holding cells over the weekend until Monday. On that day, he attended an initial hearing where the San José Criminal Court ordered two months of provisional detention.

That afternoon, he was transferred to a maximum-security cell at La Reforma prison.

Authorities state that he acted as a key liaison, moving illicit funds within Costa Rica using cryptocurrency and front businesses to pay suppliers and receive profits. He is also accused of coordinating cocaine shipments.

Tam Zhang maintained the public image of an independent merchant, a guise that authorities say he used as a cover for his operations. He was directly involved—as a bartender and merchant—with establishments in this well-known university nightlife district in San Pedro de Montes de Oca, including the now-defunct Tavarúa bar, which closed in 2010.

He made significant inroads into the fishing industry through various business entities dedicated specifically to seafood importation and the large-scale distribution of tuna. He is also directly linked to companies in the textile and livestock sectors, as well as other business activities.

Analysis

The Pueblo Soberano has faced scrutiny over the presence of individuals linked by authorities or media reports to alleged drug-trafficking networks at events connected to the party and its political allies.

Related coverage has examined the appearance of an extradition suspect at celebrations following Laura Fernández’s electoral victory, as well as photographs involving other political figures.

The issue is less about whether a single photograph proves wrongdoing than about how political organizations vet the people who gain access to their leaders and events. A party may not be legally responsible for every acquaintance of its members, but it can still face legitimate questions about its internal controls, transparency, and judgment.

That makes González’s relationship with Quirós politically relevant even if no criminal connection is demonstrated. Voters are entitled to ask how the contact began, how close the relationship is, whether González knew the identity and legal status of Quirós’s partner, and whether the party has rules governing access to private and campaign activities.

The controversy also highlights a recurring problem in political reporting: the risk of allowing association to substitute for evidence. A person’s appearance beside a politician can be newsworthy, especially when the person’s partner is sought by a foreign law-enforcement agency. Yet the public record must still distinguish among three separate facts: a photograph, a social relationship, and proof of criminal conduct. They are not interchangeable.

For Pueblo Soberano, the immediate challenge is therefore one of credibility. A clear account from González and the party could help establish the timeline and nature of the relationship.

Silence, evasive answers, or contradictory explanations would likely intensify suspicion, even if no unlawful conduct is shown.

The photographs do not resolve the larger questions. They do show a connection that political leaders will be expected to explain. Whether that connection remains a matter of social proximity or becomes part of a broader investigation will depend on evidence beyond the images.

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Don’t Let Anything Stop You from Voting

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Guest Contributor
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By Angela Fobbs on Substack — Every American citizen living overseas is eligible to vote in the midterms. The process is simple, but timing matters more than anything else.

Request your ballot now. Go to VoteFromAbroad.org and submit your request today. Don’t wait until you’re staring down a deadline.

Choose email delivery, not postal mail. This is the single most important tip I can give you. U.S. postal mail is slow, and a ballot mailed the traditional way may not arrive in time to be filled out and returned. Request email delivery so you get it fast and have time to act.

Send it back electronically if your state allows it. Many states let you return your ballot electronically instead of relying on the mail. Don’t have a fax machine? Here’s how to fax your ballot without one.

Get help if you need it. Voting from abroad can feel confusing the first time — or the fifth time. Democrats Abroad’s Voter Support team offers in-person help, email support, and more. Use it.

Not sure who to vote for down-ballot? Local and state races rarely get national coverage, but they matter enormously. Blue Voter Guide is a great resource for making informed choices all the way down your ballot.

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Winning with one voter at a time

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Guest Contributor
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Working with one voter at a time will be the method in Atenas (Baruch Café 10 – 11:30 am) on Tuesday, October 6, 2026, exactly four weeks (November 3) before the mid-term election in the United States.

It is the philosophy behind the extraordinary efforts of US citizen volunteers in Costa Rica, the U.S., and all over the world.

How to Eat an Elephant One Voter at a Time by Sarah Longwell is a personal memoir focused on defeating political extremism by listening to ordinary voters. I very much agree with that approach. When elected officials are stifled from doing their job, when everything ends up in a courtroom, when the economy and the world seem to be going the wrong way, it is time for each individual to step up. And right now, STEP UP means VOTE.

Yesterday, I had a call from a man named Alan. He explained that he was a volunteer calling people to encourage them to vote. He was ready with information about how I could vote, how to return my ballot, and who to get in touch with if I needed more help. He was upbeat. I assured him that I had voted and asked where he was calling from – Canada, about an hour outside of Toronto. This is exactly what is needed.

Get Out the Vote volunteers are doing the same thing here in Costa Rica. They are making calls day and night. Sometimes, a person hangs up on them, but mostly people are grateful for the call. In many cases, it is exactly what is needed to encourage a person to fill out the ballot that they received by email. Other times it reminds them to get in touch with their local election office where they need to register and request a ballot or to confirm that their ballot was received. Sometimes, they even need to know what or where their local election office is. Perhaps they need to get help from a nearby volunteer to assist with a printer or to help them decipher ever more complicated voting rules.

There are lots of heartwarming stories from local volunteers: “I just talked to a Montana voter who said he’d look for his ballot and vote, but it didn’t make much difference in Montana. I told him a strong showing in all states was important. He agreed on that.

One voter at a time makes a difference.” And another, “I once had a Connecticut voter chew me out for wasting my time calling her because her state was solid blue. I was then satisfied that a Connecticut Democratic candidate for the House won by just a few hundred votes.” And one more, “My brother lives in Italy and is from Washington DC. He thought he couldn’t vote, so I copied the text that came up for a DC voter and sent it to him. He’ll be voting!”

So, if you are on the fence about voting, get off the fence and vote!

Need help? Here is an overview of the entire process of voting in Costa Rica:

  • Register and Request your Ballot
  • Confirm and Receive your Ballot
  • Vote and Return your Ballot
  • Track your Ballot

Questions along the way? We’re here to help!

Contact help@votefromabroadcr.org at any time with your questions on any stage of the process. Or WhatsApp Steve Johnson on 7106 9505.

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Costa Rica to inaugurate its maximum-security prison on October 14

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — The Presidency announced on Sunday that the High-Security Center against Organized Crime (CACCO) will be inaugurated on October 14 at 12:30 PM. The ceremony will be broadcast live on YouTube, according to a government announcement made during a national broadcast on Sunday, October 4.

The announcement was a key part of the official address, which featured footage of the facility and statements from President Laura Fernández. “Today, we can proudly say that the High-Security Center against Organized Crime is ready,” she stated.

The government linked the prison to its policy against organized crime.

Fernández maintained that the new prison addresses the concerns of victims and families affected by insecurity. “For the pain of innocent victims, for honest families living in the grip of fear, and for a people tired of impunity who are demanding a tough stance against criminals,” she said in the video.

The president noted that the project aims to strengthen the state’s response to criminal networks. “Today, more than ever, we will defend our homeland with all our might,” she declared at the end of the video.

The broadcast also included excerpts of criticism regarding the project, specifically questioning the prison’s name and size. In response, Fernández walked through some of the center’s areas.

“There is no such thing as a ‘mega-prison’; it is a small prison,” and “This isn’t a mega-prison; it’s a lie”—these were some of the reactions to the project, to which Fernández responded by showing a preview of what awaits Costa Rica.

Image capture from video

The center is being built within the La Reforma penitentiary complex in San Rafael de Alajuela; it was designed to house inmates linked to organized crime networks or those classified as high-risk. The facility will consist of five modules and have a capacity for approximately 5,100 inmates. Each module will be able to house around 1,020 people, according to information released about the project.

CACCO will not operate under the same conditions as other correctional facilities in the country. The Ministry of Justice previously explained that the “high-containment” model entails additional restrictions aimed at reducing the likelihood that individuals linked to criminal organizations continue to coordinate activities from within the prison.

Image captured from video

Reports from the construction site also indicate that inmates will have limited time outside their cells and that isolation areas will exist for those who cause disturbances within the facility.

The Fernández administration presented the project as a tool to strengthen control over inmates linked to contract killings, drug trafficking, and organized crime, although the assignment of inmates will depend on applicable technical and correctional criteria.

 

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Between health checks and the night chill: The journey of Panamanian Indigenous people crossing into Costa Rica to work in the coffee harvest

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — For Gelina Abrego and her daughter Jessica, crossing from Panama’s Ngäbe-Buglé region into Costa Rica means more than just starting a work season.

The journey involves immigration procedures, health screenings, and—in some cases—an overnight wait before reaching the coffee plantations.

Costa Rica’s Ministry of Health announced this week that it will step up healthcare services for the indigenous migrant population entering via the southern border during the coffee harvest.

According to the official announcement, approximately 15,000 people participate in this labor migration from Panama to various agricultural areas in Costa Rica each year. Many travel to take temporary jobs at coffee plantations in the Southern Zone, Turrialba (in Cartago), and San Ramón (in Alajuela) before returning to their communities.

Mother and daughter have been part of this circuit for three years. The harvest provides the income they need to support themselves, though access to employment hinges on a border process that can take longer than a single day.

After completing immigration formalities, individuals entering through the San Marcos de Sabalito sector in Coto Brus must undergo testing for malaria, tuberculosis, and other diseases, according to the Ministry of Health.

The Coto Brus Health Oversight Area is responsible for the screenings. Hazel Vargas, the director of that office, noted that all migrants must undergo the check to identify potential cases of malaria—a disease Costa Rica aims to eradicate.

“Those who test positive receive immediate care, and we contact Panamanian authorities,” Vargas stated, according to the release.

The measure aims to facilitate access to medical care and identify health risks while the workers are in transit. The border between Costa Rica and Panama in this area spans approximately 90 kilometers—a distance that impacts institutional response capacity and the transport of individuals arriving from Indigenous communities to join the agricultural workforce.

Temporary shelter for those unable to complete the process in a single day

Not everyone manages to meet entry requirements before the workday ends. For such cases, a temporary shelter operates in Río Sereno, offering a place to spend the night, receive food, and find protection from the elements while awaiting the continuation of the process the following day, according to Costa Rica’s health authorities.

The facility accommodates nearly 40 people and is maintained at no cost by Rosenda and John Harmon, a U.S. couple. The Ministry of Health is currently working to formalize the site’s status so it can continue operating in compliance with current regulations.

The availability of shelter prevents families and workers from being exposed to the elements while waiting; however, capacity is limited relative to the volume of people crossing the border during the coffee harvest season.

The situation faced by Gelina and Jessica Abrego reflects a dynamic that plays out every year at the southern border. The arrival of Ngäbe-Buglé (the largest and most populous of Panama’s six comarcas indígenas) workers helps meet seasonal labor needs in the coffee sector; however, for the migrants themselves, the journey entails a mix of temporary employment, health screenings, documentation procedures, and uncertainty regarding how long entry will take.

The Ministry of Health announced that it will coordinate actions with the Costa Rican Social Security Fund (CCSS), the Ministry of Labor, the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock (MAG), the Immigration, and representatives of the coffee sector. The stated goal is to improve health, safety, and the dignified treatment of people crossing the border for work.

For families who rely on this route, the outcome of these efforts will be measured in concrete terms: the speed of administrative procedures, access to medical check-ups, a place to sleep when there aren’t enough hours in the day, and the ability to reach the farms without the border becoming an additional obstacle.

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Lula and Flávio Bolsonaro face off in the first round of Brazil’s presidential election

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Q24N
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Q24N — AFP — President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Senator Flávio Bolsonaro faced off on Sunday in the first round of Brazil’s presidential election—a major leftist stronghold in a region experiencing a conservative wave.

At nearly 81 years old, the leftist Lula is seeking a fourth term and warns that Brazil’s sovereignty is at stake amidst pressure from U.S. President Donald Trump, who is expanding his sphere of influence in the region through right-wing governments in Argentina, Chile, and Peru.

Flávio Bolsonaro, 45, was named the candidate by his father, far-right former President Jair Bolsonaro, who was sentenced to 27 years in prison for attempting a coup d’état against Lula in 2022.

Many Brazilians lament having to choose from a familiar lineup of candidates and are opting for the one they dislike the least.

“I always voted for Lula. But when I arrived at the polling station, I changed my mind and voted for Bolsonaro. Just to see what happens,” said Oscarina de Oliveira, a 62-year-old elderly care worker in Rio de Janeiro.

The latest poll by the Datafolha institute predicted that neither candidate will secure more than 50% of the vote—the threshold needed to win on Sunday.

Polarization

Voters must choose between “strengthening the democratic regime or barbarism,” Lula said after casting his vote in the state of São Paulo.

In Rio, Flávio Bolsonaro declared that he would “liberate the Brazilian people,” asserting that Brazil “cannot endure any more suffering, such high taxes, or so many women dying.”

Lula draws his electoral support from the impoverished Northeast, as well as from low-income voters, Catholics, and women. “I want a Brazil with many rights—rights for the population, many human rights,” Thifany Simoes, a 23-year-old leftist who voted at the same polling station as Lula, told AFP.

Bolsonaro leads in the south, among the more affluent and evangelical voters.

“I voted for Flávio so I wouldn’t have to vote for Lula’s Workers’ Party,” which “was already in government for 20 years and did absolutely nothing,” said Raphael Machado, a 45-year-old lawyer in Brasília.

Some 160 million citizens were eligible to vote.

Polling stations closed at 5:00 p.m. local time, and the counting of votes from electronic ballot boxes began immediately.

The result of the voting was: 47.03% (56,104,503 votes) for Bolsonaro and 45.16% (53,879,538 votes) for Lula.

The second round will take place on October 25, 2026.

Continuity or change

So far, Trump has not explicitly endorsed Flávio Bolsonaro.

However, he has used tariffs and sanctions to pressure Brasília since his ally Jair Bolsonaro faced accusations of plotting a coup.

At Flávio Bolsonaro’s rallies, some supporters waved US flags and displayed images of Trump.

“I support Lula because he stands up for the poor,” said Victor Jorge Martins, a 25-year-old event planner who believes that “Flávio will sell Brazil to foreigners.”

In just a few months, the low-profile senator managed to close the gap with Lula in the polls, even after it was revealed he was under investigation for corruption regarding the financing of a biopic about his father.

He  promised a tough stance on crime and insecurity, as well as fiscal austerity amidst rising public debt.

“We need a change. There are a lot of muggings where I work. Our safety is the most important thing,” said Babiliana Figueira, a 40-year-old firefighter and Bolsonaro supporter in Rio. “Someone who defends nature”

Lula, renowned for the social programs that lifted millions out of poverty in the early 2000s, returned to power in 2023 after having been imprisoned over a massive corruption scandal—convictions that were later annulled on procedural grounds.

Four years ago, he defeated Jair Bolsonaro by a margin of just 1.8 percentage points in a tumultuous election; weeks later, the situation spiraled into an assault on the seats of power in Brasília by Bolsonaro supporters.

During Lula’s third term, inflation has been kept in check and unemployment has fallen, yet Brazilians complain about the high cost of living and are weary of crime.

Deforestation in the Amazon has also been drastically reduced, although climate change was absent from the campaign—despite a surge in extreme weather events, such as droughts and floods, across the country.

“We Indigenous people suffer greatly from environmental impacts. That is why it is important to elect a candidate who defends our territory, who defends nature,” Tainara da Costa Cruz, a 22-year-old Indigenous woman from the Kambeba people living along the Rio Negro in Amazonas state, told AFP.

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What was an alleged drug trafficker wanted by the DEA doing at Laura Fernández’s victory celebration?

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Rico
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RICO’s Q — Juan Carlos Tam Cheong, as Goubin Tam Zhang is known, sought by the United States over alleged drug-trafficking and money-laundering offenses, attended a private electoral celebration organized by the ruling paryt, the Partido Pueblo Soberano (PPSO).

Party officials deny any connection to him, but questions remain about who authorized his entry, as the event was not open to the general public.

The 54-year-old Chinese-born naturalized Costa Rican businessman was arrested on Friday, October 2. The United States is seeking his extradition over alleged offenses connected to drug trafficking and money laundering.

According to information provided by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) to Costa Rican authorities, Goubin Tam Zhang is allegedly linked to various transnational criminal organizations, including the Sinaloa Cartel, the Gulf Cartel, and the Gulf Clan.

A photograph reportedly taken during Fernández’s electoral celebration shows Tam Zhang alongside legislator Pilar Cisneros. From Facebook.

The gathering was a private PPSO event with restricted access, making his presence—and the question of who allowed him inside—a matter of public concern.

Cisneros acknowledged posing for the photograph but said she did not know Tam Zhang and had no information about who invited him. She said party officials responsible for the event should explain how he gained access.

PPSO president Mayuli Ortega also denied that the party had any relationship with Tam Zhang. She said campaign activities were managed by the campaign command and maintained that she did not know who had arranged his admission.

Criminologist Rogelio Ramírez told La Teja that the presence of a person facing allegations of this seriousness at a restricted political gathering demands a clear and transparent response. He warned that organized criminal groups may attempt to enter political circles in search of influence, protection or impunity.

La Teja reported that it also sought answers from PPSO Secretary-General Freddy González and Vice President Francisco Gamboa. González said he would address questions on Monday, while Gamboa had not responded.

There is currently no public evidence that Fernández, Cisneros, or the PPSO knew about Tam Zhang’s alleged activities or the U.S. case against him when he attended the celebration last February. His presence alone does not establish a relationship between the businessman and the governing party.

The arrest took place one day after Costa Rica handed over five individuals wanted by the United States in connection with international drug trafficking investigations. Credit: MSP

Analysis: The central issue is access, not the photograph

The image of Tam Zhang with Cisneros is politically damaging, but a photograph taken at a crowded celebration proves very little by itself. Public figures routinely pose with people they do not know. The more consequential question is how Tam Zhang entered a private event in the first place.

If the gathering had restricted access, someone may have invited him, approved his attendance, or failed to verify his credentials. Identifying that person—and establishing whether Tam Zhang attended as a guest, donor, business contact, or companion of another attendee—is essential to understanding what happened.

That distinction matters. An unexplained security failure is one problem. A sustained political or financial relationship would be a far more serious one. The facts currently available do not establish the latter, but the party’s inability to explain the former leaves room for suspicion.

Ramírez’s warning reflects a broader institutional risk. People connected to organized crime do not necessarily approach political organizations openly. They may build social relationships, seek photographs with influential figures, offer resources, or use intermediaries to gain legitimacy and access. Political parties therefore need screening procedures that extend beyond formal candidates and major donors.

The PPSO’s response will be judged by how specific the information it releases is. A general denial of ties may be accurate, but it does not answer the operational questions: Who compiled the guest list? Were invitations transferable? Was identification required? Who accompanied Tam Zhang? Did he make any political contribution or have prior contact with campaign personnel?

A credible response would reconstruct his entry, review campaign and party records, disclose any relevant financial or organizational links, and publish the findings. If no connection existed, that process would help establish it. If procedures failed, the party could explain how they will be tightened.

For Fernández, the episode presents an early test of political accountability.

There is no public basis at this stage to accuse her or her party colleagues of knowingly associating with a suspected trafficker. Still, public confidence depends on more than denying knowledge. It requires a factual account of how a person sought for extradition reached a restricted celebration attended by senior political figures.

Until that account is provided, the most important part of the story remains unanswered.

DEA Sting Led to Arrest

The suspect allegedly negotiated the sale of 12 kilograms of cocaine with an undercover operative, leading to his arrest in Costa Rica after an undercover operation coordinated with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration and culminating in his detention for extradition proceedings, according to La Nación.

Costa Rica’s Prosecutor’s Office said the man was arrested following a request from the United States over alleged links to drug-trafficking organizations. Information published by La Nación indicates that the purported transaction formed the core of the case against him.

 

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Costa Rica urges increased regional pressure to restore democratic guarantees in Nicaragua

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — On Friday, October 2, Costa Rica condemned what it described as an “authoritarian drift” in Nicaragua and called for the creation of conditions for holding free, pluralistic elections with international observation during an extraordinary meeting of foreign ministers of the Organization of American States (OAS) in Washington.

Costa Rica’s position was presented by Deputy Foreign Minister Adriana Bolaños, who maintained that the country is witnessing a deterioration of democratic conditions and political pluralism in Nicaragua under the government of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo.

“We are facing a systematic process of eliminating political pluralism, closing civic space, and concentrating power. Costa Rica firmly condemns this authoritarian drift,” Bolaños stated during the session.

The meeting was convened by the OAS Permanent Council after it determined that recent events in Nicaragua constituted “a matter of urgency and common interest for the American States.”

During the gathering, member countries approved a resolution calling on Nicaraguan authorities to restore civil liberties, move toward conditions that allow for free elections, and release individuals detained for political reasons.

The OAS also agreed to establish a diplomatic monitoring mechanism to assess progress and determine potential future actions. Costa Rica deported 23 foreign nationals, including 10 Colombians with criminal backgrounds.

Costa Rica calls for moving from concern to action

In her remarks, Bolaños stated that the regional organization should not limit itself to expressing concern and highlighted the need to move toward measures with defined objectives and monitoring mechanisms.

“Our demands must be clear: release those detained for political reasons; fully restore civil and political rights, including nationality; comply with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’ provisional measures; and create genuine conditions for free, pluralistic elections with international observation,” she stated.

The resolution adopted by the OAS also calls for information regarding the whereabouts of missing persons, the restoration of the separation of powers, and the reinstatement of nationality for those who were stripped of it.

At the conclusion of the session, OAS Secretary General Albert Ramdin stated that the mechanism’s goal would be to help create conditions allowing Nicaraguans to exercise their rights and determine their political future through “democratic institutions and free, fair, and inclusive elections.”

The meeting took place one day after the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and the United Nations Group of Human Rights Experts on Nicaragua asked OAS member states to place human rights, the rule of law, and accountability at the center of their deliberations.

Both bodies noted that, since the onset of the socio-political crisis in Nicaragua in April 2018, they have documented a pattern of violations including arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, torture, deaths in state custody, confiscation of property, and arbitrary deprivation of nationality.

They also called for the immediate and unconditional release of individuals detained for political reasons, the clarification of the whereabouts of missing persons, and the restoration of civic space.

These statements come from international bodies that have documented the situation; the Nicaraguan government has historically rejected external criticism regarding its political and human rights situation.

The OAS approved a resolution calling for the release of individuals detained for political reasons and the restoration of civil rights.

 

The OAS approved a resolution calling for the release of individuals detained for political reasons and the restoration of civil rights

Costa Rica highlights migration impact

The Costa Rican Deputy Foreign Minister also highlighted the consequences the Nicaraguan crisis has had for Costa Rica as a neighboring country.

Bolaños noted that Costa Rica has received tens of thousands of Nicaraguan citizens seeking protection, employment, and other opportunities since the political crisis began.

“We know that when democracy is systematically undermined, looking the other way is not prudence; it is inaction,” she stated.

The official added that “the Nicaraguan people have the right to live in freedom, to choose between different political options, and to democratically decide their future.”

Costa Rica has maintained a critical stance toward the Ortega government since the 2018 political crisis, when protests against the administration escalated into severe internal conflict and sparked international allegations of human rights violations.

Diplomatic relations between the two countries have remained at the consular level since then. During the administration of former President Carlos Alvarado (2018-2022) chose not to appoint a new ambassador to Managua amidst allegations regarding the repression of protesters and political opponents.

OAS establishes monitoring mechanism

Friday’s discussion followed statements by Ortega regarding the future of electoral processes in Nicaragua and renewed regional concerns about political guarantees in the country.

According to the resolution, the OAS aims to maintain diplomatic channels with both Nicaraguan authorities and other stakeholders involved in the crisis in order to assess political and electoral conditions.

The inter-American body retains the capacity to coordinate responses among its member states, even though Nicaragua formalized its withdrawal from the organization in 2023.

In recent months, Costa Rica has raised concerns regarding Nicaragua in multilateral forums such as the OAS and the United Nations (UN), particularly concerning restrictions on fundamental freedoms, detentions, and the shrinking of civic space.

The position put forward this Friday insists that any resolution to the crisis must include conditions that allow for the resumption of political competition and the exercise of civil rights. rights.

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San José Airport introduces QR codes to enhance safety for U.S. tourists in Costa Rica

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — Juan Santamaría International Airport, known as the San José airport (SJO), has introduced new informational resources aimed at U.S. tourists to enhance the safety of those visiting Costa Rica.

This initiative was developed in coordination with the U.S. Embassy, the Instituto Costarricense de Turismo (ICT), and other tourism-sector institutions.

The key feature promotes the Smart Traveler Enrollment Program (STEP), a free U.S. State Department service that allows U.S. citizens to register their trips abroad and receive relevant information during their stay.

To facilitate access to the program, AERIS—the airport operator—has installed informational materials featuring QR codes at strategic points along the international arrivals route.
Costa Rica extradites four Colombians and one Costa Rican to the U.S. on drug trafficking charges

By scanning the code with a mobile phone, travelers are directed to the STEP program website, where they can register for free.

The tool provides information on safety, health, weather conditions, natural disasters, emergency alerts, and travel advisory updates, among other topics relevant to visiting a location outside the United States.

Additionally, registration enables U.S. consular authorities to contact the traveler—or their emergency contact—should a situation arise requiring assistance.

Information provided upon arrival in the country

The initiative aims to leverage the airport as one of the first points of contact between international visitors and Costa Rica.

Ricardo Hernández, Executive Director of AERIS, explained that placing this information within the terminal allows passengers to access preventive tools without needing to complete additional procedures outside the airport.

“As the primary air gateway to Costa Rica, we have the opportunity to bring relevant information to thousands of passengers from the very moment their visit begins,” Hernández noted.

Hernández highlighted that coordination with the U.S. Embassy allows these types of resources to be integrated into the passengers’ standard route through the airport.

The STEP program is voluntary, and registration is up to each individual traveler.

The initiative is being carried out as part of a joint effort between AERIS, the Costa Rican Tourism Institute (ICT), and the U.S. Embassy in Costa Rica. Credit: AERIS

Beach safety recommendations are also included

The project goes beyond simply promoting the traveler registration program.

In the international arrivals immigration area, visitors will also be able to watch a video featuring recommendations on water safety.

The content is aimed specifically at tourists planning to visit beaches or engage in ocean-related activities during their stay. The idea is to provide preventive information before passengers leave the terminal and travel to tourist destinations in various regions of Costa Rica.

In this way, safety recommendations become part of the initial entry process and do not rely solely on information visitors might receive later at hotels, from tour operators, or at other establishments.

The inclusion of this content aims to promote responsible travel practices, particularly among U.S. visitors using Juan Santamaría International Airport, a major entry point for international travelers to Costa Rica.

No word on whether or when the QR code will be installed at Guanacaste Airport in Liberia (LIR).

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Gas hike in effect today Saturday

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Rico
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Q COSTA RICA — You may not have felt it yet, but you will. Fuel prices rose on Saturday, led by a sharp ¢97-per-liter increase for diesel. Super gasoline climbed ¢38 per liter, while regular rose ¢12.

The price at the pumps today puts diesel at ¢785 colones per liter, super at ¢764, and regular at ¢ 719.

The regulatory authority, Autoridad Reguladora de los Servicios Públicos (Aresep), approved the increase on Thursday, and with a quick publication in the official government gazette, La Gaceta, on Friday, the higher fuel prices took effect at 12:01 a.m. Saturday—giving drivers a painful surprise at the pump.

This is a result of international prices and the conflict in the Middle East.

“Costa Rica imports 100% of its finished fuels (gasoline, diesel, GLP, etc.), so domestic prices are subject to fluctuations in international markets,” said Aresep.

The Refinadora Costarricense de Petróleo (RECOPE)—the state-owned refinery that refines nothing—purchases fuel abroad and distributes it to retailers, known locally as gasolineras or bombas. These retailers sell the fuel to consumers at the same price nationwide.

 

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