Q COSTA RICA — An officer from the Unidad Especial de Apoyo (UEA—Special Support Unit—an elite police unit that belongs to the Directorate of Specialized Units of the Fuerza Pública (National Police) was detained after being found with a cell phone and other electronic devices inside the La Reforma prison complex, where he was assigned to guard Alejandro Arias Monge—alias “Diablo”—one of the country’s most notorious alleged drug trafficking leaders.
The officer was identified as Maiker Guzmán Charpantier; his duties also included guarding Jonathan Pérez Méndez—alias “Tan”—another alleged criminal ringleader held in the maximum-security area.
The officer had bypassed the checkpoints where staff are required to leave their electronic devices before entering the prison facilities. Suspicion of a possible irregularity prompted an inspection of Guzmán’s belongings.
The search led to the confiscation of a Huawei mobile phone, a Huawei smartwatch, a portable battery, a SIM card, four USB-C cables, and two charging adapters.
When questioned, the police officer claimed he had forgotten to leave the electronic devices in the lockers designated for personal belongings.
The detainee was no ordinary officer; he had a familial connection to Eduardo Guzmán López—known as “Inca”—a member of the Unidad Especial de Intervención (UEI)—Special Intervention Unit—an elite police special forces unit administratively attached to the Ministry of the Presidency, who served in security and advisory roles in the protection of former president Rodrigo Chaves.
For clarity, the father and son both serve in elite Costa Rican police units. The father is assigned to Casa Presidencial, while the son serves with the Ministry of Public Security.
So far, there have been no reports of the father’s involvement in the events under investigation.
“Diablo”
The security measures surrounding “Diablo” are once again under scrutiny.
The arrest comes while Alejandro Arias Monge remains held at the Centro Nacional de Atención Específica—known as the “Maximum Security” unit—following his capture last July and is expected to be moved to the newly inaugurated Centro de Alta Contención contra el Crimen Organizado (CACCO)—Costa Rica’s new maximum-security prison—while awaiting possible extradition to the United States.
Questions
This incident raises further questions regarding the control mechanisms intended to prevent electronic devices from entering prisons, particularly in areas housing individuals under investigation for leading criminal organizations.
For now, the investigation must determine whether this was merely a breach of entry protocols or if there was a deliberate intent to facilitate unauthorized communications within the penitentiary.
It has also revived scrutiny of the security networks surrounding former president Rodrigo Chaves and the degree to which family, access and institutional power intersect inside the state’s security apparatus.
Analysis
The detainee’s connection to his father’s role in the presidential security makes the case politically difficult to dismiss as an isolated prison incident. That background gives the detention broader significance. Costa Rica is not merely confronting a suspected breach of prison protocol. It is being asked to demonstrate that appointments, family ties and proximity to political power do not place anyone beyond scrutiny.
During Chaves’s presidency, questions emerged around the role of security personnel close to the executive branch, including allegations of irregular surveillance and discussion of a proposed group intended to pursue “Diablo.”
For Chaves, who left office as president and was appointed Minister of Finance and Minister of the Presidency on May 8, 2026, the episode is an unwelcome reminder that the conduct of officials and advisers associated with his administration will continue to shape public judgments about his government. A president is not legally responsible for every alleged act committed by a former employee’s relative. Still, administrations are judged by the systems they build, the people they empower and the safeguards they establish around sensitive operations.
In the style of Chaves, which seems to be adopted by the current president, Laura Fernánxez, the temptation will be to reduce the matter to a sensational headline: a police officer, a cellphone and a notorious inmate.
That would miss the larger concern. The credibility of Costa Rica’s security institutions depends on showing that the same rules apply inside the prison, inside the police, and inside the presidential orbit.
Until the investigation establishes more, the allegations must remain allegations. Yet the detention has already exposed a serious governance test—one that reaches from a prison checkpoint in Alajuela back to the security structures associated with the Chaves administration.