A US company has submitted an environmental impact study to build an international airport in Limón, Costa Rica, which will have a 4-kilometer runway, an 18,000 square meter passenger terminal and a 30,000 square meter warehouse.
The firm Mel Group ELM SA, which already presented a proposal to finance the development of the project in 2015, submitted the environmental impact study (EIA) to the Setena.
According to the EIA, the airport, which is planned to be built in Saborío de Matina, some 25 kilometers from the port of Moín, will be Multimodal, category 4-F, and will be used for transporting air cargo and passengers. The document indicates that “…The project was formulated in a technically positioned geographical area, which will link the region’s cargo transport and act as a Node, reactivating dynamics and air, port and rail connectivity.”
The air terminal will have a 4-kilometer runway, capable of handling large-tonnage aircraft, such as an Airbus A380 or similar. The design also includes a 30,000 m² warehouse, a hotel for passengers in transit, a 18,500 m² passenger terminal, and a 23,000 m² public parking area, for a total of 560 cars, with a partially covered area.
Regarding the location of the airport, the EIA states that “…After analyzing several location proposals in conjunction with the General Directorate of Civil Aviation of Costa Rica … it was concluded that the best location is in SABORIO DE MATINA, where there is a property of almost 324 hectares currently used for agriculture, irregularly shaped and with flat topography, with the perfect characteristics for the location of a class 4-F airport.”
Estimated investment: US$700 million (does not include the cost of the properties).
The non-profit organization “Miami Managua Lions Club” will receive donations of coats, clothing of all ages and sizes, shoes, quilts, towels, sheets, sanitary pads and pampers for adults and children. Medicines, food and water will not be accepted.
The collection will take place between Thursday August 23 and Sunday 26, at 125 SW 107th Ave., Miami, from 9:00 a.m. until 7:00 p.m.
The Miami effort is a joint one with the Club de Leones de Cartago, in Costa Rica.
“We are calling on the Nicaraguan community in South Florida to stand in solidarity with the exile community in Costa Rica,” said César Lacayo, coordinator of the humanitarian aid project Operation Costa Rica.
In early August, the U.N. refugee agency, UNHCR, spoke out about the humanitarian crisis that could be brewing along Nicaragua’s border with Costa Rica. There are already more than 23,000 Nicaraguans who have requested asylum in the neighboring country since the protests against Daniel Ortega’s government broke out in April.
The Costa Rican government has asked the international community for its support to face what it considers could become the next humanitarian crisis in Central America.
The containers with donations will arrive in Costa Rica during the second or third week of September, Lacayo said. On the day that the aid arrives, a cultural event with live music will also be held and 1,000 plates of hot food will be distributed to the Nicaraguan refugees, he said.
The government of Carlos Alvarado, introduced this week, the Alliance for Bilingualism (ABI) as part of a national strategy that seeks to significantly increase the coverage of English teaching in Costa Rica.
Given the country depends on tourism, exports and outsourcing, a good level of English is very important.
“The challenge is to forge a true intersectoral alliance to extend the mastery of English and other languages as a state policy that ensures opportunities for universal access to people of all ages and from all territories,” said President Carlos Alvarado.
“Having a proficiency of a second language like English, strengthens Costa Rica’s development and projection in three areas that stimulate the economy: tourism, exports and foreign direct investment. In all of them, English is a key part of the globalization; therefore, achieving bilingualism benefits the country’s participation within its positioning worldwide,” said Jorge Sequeira, Managing Director at Costa Rica’s Investment Promotion Agency, CINDE.
Meanwhile, the Minister of Liaison with the Business Sector and Coordinator of the Council of Presidential Articulation for Innovation and Competitiveness, André Garnier, explained that the first joint initiatives will begin within a month, while the design of the full strategy to be published in November is completed.
Immediate initiatives
Institutions and Ministries highlighted the implementation of 6 immediate initiatives that will start in 2018, to generate the first results over the next 12 months:
Approval of a ¢5 billion colones for the Ministry of Labor (MTSS) Empléate program to be used for technical training of the population.
To make progress in the first stage of universalization of English teaching in pre-school, covering approximately 125,000 students.
In 2018, an educational strategy will begin with a diagnosis of 10,000 students from professional technical colleges, international baccalaureates, the humanities, sciences and academics from all over the country.
Implementation of English language certification tests, for the baccalaureate tests given in the 2019-2022 period to reach a total of approximately 180,000 by 2022.
Certification of entry and exit levels using international standard tests (BELT and TOEIC), including all students of INA English Programs. These results will provide a clear idea of the language skills of their graduates. This process will begin in December 2018.
Application, as of October 2018, of diagnostic tests and certifications meeting international standards on the 223 INA English teachers, accompanied by a training plan to raise the quality and appropriateness of English language courses.
More than 300 multinational companies in the services, digital technologies, life sciences, advanced manufacturing, light industry and food industry sectors operate in Costa Rica.
A “Marcha por la Hermandad: Costa Rica Solidaria y sin xenofobia” (March for the Brotherhood: Costa Rica Solidarity and without xenophobia) organized by “Por los refugiados en Costa Rica” (Refugees in Costa Rica) will take place Saturday, August 25, starting at 9 am, in downtown San Jose.
Por los refugiados en Costa Rica says they are “a group of Costa Ricans, who are against the xenophobia towards our Nicaraguan BROTHERS and we want to join efforts to help them, support them and make them feel welcome.”
Nicaraguans living in Costa Rica react after the xenophobic march and the temporary closure by the authorities of the La Merced park in downtown San José.
Costa Ricans explain why they carried out a march against Nicaraguans who are arriving to Costa Rica.
Security Minister Michael Soto announced Saturday night that the La Merced park, in downtown San Jose, will remain closed and under guard by the police for an indefinite period, after the xenophobic demonstrations that took place today.
Police guard the La Merced park
On Saturday, 44 people were arrested, 38 of which were Costa Ricans and 6 Nicaraguans, when more than 400 people took to the downtown streets of the capital to express their sentiments towards the rise in Nicaraguans arriving in Costa Rica due to the crisis north of the border.
Though the demonstrations mostly took place in the La Merced park, crowds gathered in the Plaza de la Cultura and the Parque Central.
The La Merced park is a popular gathering point for many Nicaraguans in the country. The park is popularly referred to as “Nica park”.
In the confrontation, police confiscated 13 guns, 8 Molotov cocktails and a number of knives, machetes and other weapons.
Soto added that there were also damages to several police units. The detainees were brought before the Public Ministry for the crimes of damage, carrying a knife and assault.
The minister was clear that the police action was not to defend or support any one nationality. “We are not focused on any nationality, but rather people who committed crimes on public roads. We consider it appropriate to maintain the (park) closed 24 hours a day and with a police presence. Some of the participants used Nazi slogans and are part of some of the so-called football ‘barras’ (hooligans). We found Molotov cocktails inside a suitcase that they left behind, ” Soto said.
“Since Friday we have taken actions on this site about illegal migration, we are a state of law and we have to respect the laws, we are going to avoid violence outbreaks no matter who. Our duty is to maintain public order. We will be guarantors and protectors on the issue of human rights,” Soto said.
About the organizing group, Soto confirmed that these are people who organized themselves through social networks and with ‘anarchic ideologies’.
A new protest is expected to take place on Monday at 4 m.
Rico’s TICO BULL – Several Facebook pages are using photos from 2016 to affirm that groups of Nicaraguans are burning the Costa Rican flag in different parts of the country.
The image used belong, really, to a punk concert performed in Sabanilla de Montes de Oca more than two years ago. Those involved in the burning were not Nicaraguans.
False information regarding Nicaraguan migrants has increased in recent weeks, while the visa and refuge requests grow to legalize their stay in the country given the current situation in Nicaragua, mired in a socio-political crisis for more than three months that has left hundreds dead.
In the past week, false information circulating the social media:
The University of Costa Rica (UCR) giving “full scholarships” to Nicaraguan refugees;
That the Foreign Ministry is revoking visas for Nicaraguan politicians;
That President Carlos Alvarado signed a decree to give economic aid to ‘trans-Nicaraguan women’;
Housing is being built in Alajuelita for Nicaraguan refugees;
Nicaragua is sending its criminals to Costa Rica to incite disturbances.
Use the comment section below or post to our official Facebook page any false information you come across.
The Fuerza Publica (national police) confirmed the arrest of 44 people for xenophobic attacks in downtown San José on Saturday when a group of more than 400 Costa Ricans descended on the Parque La Merced, a park known for Nicaraguans to gather.
“It is regrettable (the demonstration), because it is an incitement to hatred and violence,” said Randall Picado, regional director of the Fuerza Publica in San Jose, who confirmed that they seized eight Molotov cocktails, four daggers, a baseball bat, and knives.
The police chief said that the altercation occurred after a group of people gathered in the park to sing the national anthem and to erect the Costa Rican flag.
“They came, they sang the anthem, they put up the flag, but suddenly a group of them started surrounding the park and singing xenophobic songs against Nicaraguans,” said Picado.
“Nicaraguan who looked at them were immediately attacked. That caused several altercations that we had to intervene,” added the police chief.
The situation extended from La Merced to other parks of the capital, added the police chief. “We have been intervening in almost all the parks and we have already taken 20 detainees,” said Picado early Saturday afternoon.
During the last week, false news about Nicaraguans in Costa Rica began to circulate on social networks, claiming, for example, that they burned Costa Rican flags or that the government built them (refugees) homes, all lies.
Picado explained that, a few days ago, through social networks, people were urged to join a rally this Saturday: “Several anonymous groups, with clear xenophobics and violent manifestations, have been summoning the Costa Rican population to take the La Merced park.”
Security Minister Micheal Soto (bald headed) was present during the disturbance in the Parque La Merced
Casa Presidencial confirmed it is attentive to the situation. For his part, Security Minister Michael Soto declined to declare or give reports about the disturbances until Casa Presidencial pronounced itself. He indicated that he would be attending a meeting on the topic convened by President Carlos Alvarado.
Hemos estado reunidos en Casa Presidencial determinando acciones ante las manifestaciones de violencia ocurridas hoy en San José.
At 7 pm, Minister Soto, at a press conference in Casa Presidencial, confirmed the closing of the La Merced park, saying it was best in view of what happened on Saturday.
“We are planning to keep the park closed. We think it is a timely option to try to calm the situation and take control. We are going to have a permanent (police) presence to avoid crimes or attempts against people,” said the minister.
Soto added that police are not going to be soft with this group, because if violence occurs again like this Saturday, they feel the full force of the law.
“We are in a country of laws, we can express ourselves, but that does not mean that other people should be assaulted. Costa Ricans are not like that (like this group of protesters), we are characterized for being peaceful,” he added.
The Minister added that during the police intervention 44 people were arrested, 38 of them Costa Ricans and 6 Nicaraguans.
At 30 Nicaraguans suffered injuries in the meleé.
“Some (of the detainees) have a criminal record that allows us to have a profile; others belong to groups with ideologies that are not typical of the Costa Rican idiosyncrasy, for example, some had tattooed swastikas (Nazi symbol),” he said.
Criminales extranjeros en Costa Rica
The protest was organized by a Facebook page called “Criminales extranjeros en Costa Rica” (Foreigner Criminals in Costa Rica) that has 15,544 followers. In one of their publications, they asked the attendees to come up with “something to defend themselves”.
In Paeque Central
“All Costa Ricans are organizing to put the Costa Rican flag in La Merced park, because it is Costa Rican territory,” the publication reads. According to the census conducted in 2011, approximately 290,000 Nicaraguans live in the country, most come to Costa Rica looking for work.
Currently, thousands of Nicaraguans fleeing the violent repression at home, are seeking refugee in Costa Rica.
Avenida 6 was void of vendors and many stores closed this Saturday afternoon
It’s been a sweltering summer in many parts of the world, with millions scrambling for ways to cool off. On Wednesday, the 600,000 residents of Santa Marta, Colombia, were given one interesting suggestion: Stop having sex in the afternoon.
Santa Marta is known as La Perla de America (America’s Pearl)
The residents of the city on the Caribbean Sean in the northern Colombian department of Magdalena have been told to stop having sex to ensure they stay cool during the scorching 40 Celsius (104F) heatwave.
Santa Marta’s Health Secretary, Julio Salas, was met with laughter and disbelief when he issued the novel advice, which he listed alongside other tips like wearing loose clothing and drinking plenty of water.
Salas recommended to hold off sex or “any physical activity” until after sunset, when temperatures are lower. He added: “If you have a good air conditioning, there is no problem.”
Santa Marta is among the hottest cities in Colombia with temperatures that average around 30 degrees Celsius.
As temperatures climbed over the past week, hospitals throughout the city of a population of some 500,000 and an above sea level elevation of 6 meters (20 ft), were receiving patients, who were complaining of nausea and headaches, both symptoms of heat exhaustion.
(CONFIDENTIAL) The Deputy Minister of Planning, Francisco Delgado, and Marisa Batalla, adviser to legislator Paola Vega, were suspended from their positions for one month and without pay after they were involved in a scandal for making fun of a photo Laura Chinchilla and Ottón Solís on Twitter.
The photo posted by Laura Chinchilla on her Twitter account inviting views the Facebook Live event with Otton Solis
The photo of the former president and former presidential candidate and founder of the PAC party was taken last Thursday, prior to a conversation organized by El Financiero to talk about tax issues and that was broadcast on Facebook Live.
Almost immediately Marisa Batalla, the daughter of former Vice President Ana Helena Chacón, shared the image highlighting how close Laura Laura’s right hand was to the leg of Don Ottón and published the phrase: “Es can da li za da” (Scandalized).
The post by Marisa Batalla on Twitter
The circus was joined by Delgado, who replied: “Es toy en gan cha dí si ma con el Ta fil, oye”, (It’s a good thing if you’re with Tafil, hey) a phrase that became popular for the new Netflix series ‘La Casa de las Flores’. (Tafil is the drug addicted to Paulina de la Mora, a character in the Mexican tv series on Netflix and which produces changes in speech.)
The news (of the firing) made the international press, including CNN en español, that dared not publish the entire photo. In Nicaragua, for example, El Nuevo Diario had a good laugh at it.
In the case of Delgado, president Carlos Alvarado issued the suspension. The suspension was announced publicly by the Prez during a live interview during ‘Hablando Claro’ program on Radio Columbia.
Minutes later, legislator Vega prescribed the same for her assistant.
Cualquier acto de violencia o burla contra las mujeres debe ser condenado. La imagen usada por mi asesora es ofensiva contra doña Laura Chinchilla. Por ello aplicaré el régimen disciplinario de acuerdo al Reglamento. Con ella ya hablé también para que no se repita algo así.
He decidido sancionar a mi asesora, Marisa Batalla, con un mes de suspensión sin goce de salario por el desafortunado tuit de ayer. Una vez, me solidarizo con doña Laura Chinchilla que merece todo mi respeto como mujer en política. pic.twitter.com/vJEJlKhnCT
Following the censure, Batalla, also by way of Twitter, offered an apology in a chain of messages to former president Chinchilla, affirming that “it was never my intention to offend her or to sexualize her, as they are trying to do. My tweet was wrong and I assume total responsibility. Something is the one who issues the message, and not from the person who decodes it, as a communicator I know it was my mistake “.
Me disculpo con Laura Chinchilla y a todas las personas que se vieron afectadas por un tuit mío, nunca fue mi intención ofenderla ni sexualizarla, como están intentando hacer ver. (1/3)
Being a classy lady, Doña Laura did not add fuel to the fire, preferring to thank all those ‘demanding respect’ and not referring actions and sanctions.
Gracias a quienes exigen respeto ????????
Aprovecho para recordar una máxima y una obligación: 1.”no hagas a los otros lo que no quieras que te hagan”; 2.elevemonos a la altura de las difíciles circumstancias que vive el país,muy especialmente algunos miembros del partido de gobierno
1. “Do not do to others what you do not want to be done to you”;
2. Elevemonos to the height of the difficult circumstances that lives the country, especially some members of the government party.
Lack of Values
For her part, Delgado’s, the Minister of National Planning and Economic Policy, María del Pilar Garrido, said her ‘vice’ was disrespectful and regretted the situation.
“The hierarchs must have a responsible action, both in their institutional performance as public servants, as in their behavior in social networks. His lack of values, in this case, is punishable,” said Garrido.
Ottón Solís explained that the publication is a product of the lack of values that made him believe a person who could make such kind of hint about a lady and added that he was also disrespected.
U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis met with Colombia’s defense minister on Friday to reaffirm the long-standing defense relationship between the United States and Colombia, chief Pentagon spokesperson Dana W. White said.
The defense ministers of Colombia, Guillermo Botero and the United States, James Mattis met to evaluate security issues. Photo: Ministry of Defence
In a statement summarizing the meeting held in the Colombian capital city of Bogota, White said the secretary met with Defense Minister Guillermo Botero.
“The leaders discussed a broad range of defense issues, and the secretary thanked the minister for their country’s regional leadership role as a security exporter,” White said.
The secretary also thanked Colombia for its work regionally to denounce undemocratic actions – especially those in Venezuela and Nicaragua, White said.
The leaders agreed to work together to achieve mutual strategic objectives to address regional challenges, she said.
Attending the meeting also was the high command of the Military Forces and the National Police in order to strengthen, which qualify the “excellent relations of cooperation between the two nations.”
Colombia and the United States agreed on a “carta de navegación” (navigation chart) for the next five years, which should result in the elimination of half of the coca fields.
According to the US Department of State, they are on 209,000 hectares in 2017, the outgoing government had launched a tentative figure on the 180,000 hectares of narco-crops.
Starting at the beginning of this decade, academics and policymakers started to point to India as a potential source of investment, trade, and economic diversification for Latin America.
The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) released a report called “India: Latin America’s Next Big Thing?” and a 2011 article in Americas Quarterly called India “the new kid on the block in Latin America.” (Full disclosure: my boss, Chris Sabatini, was the editor-in-chief at Americas Quarterly at the time).
Lately, however, non-partial observers of the Americas have largely stopped writing about the potential for ramped up Indian involvement in the region. And while it’s true that India under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been eager to start projecting its power around the world, trade between Latin America and India has been steadily declining.
According to data from the Indian Department of Commerce, after consistently growing throughout the 21st century to a peak of more than $41 billion in 2012-2013 (April-March), trade between Latin America and India has been on the decline ever since. (It fell for the fourth straight year to a little over $24.5 billion in 2016-2017 before a slight rebound in 2017-2018.)
As the graphs below show, while India’s trade has grown with many countries in the region in the last ten years, it’s been far outpaced by China.
Advocates for a Latin American embrace of Indian trade and investment tend to make the argument that India is a more responsible economic partner that has more to offer than resource extraction. But Indian imports from their largest trading partners in Latin America are even less diverse than those of their Chinese counterparts.
The one country where India has come to rival China as a destination for exports is Venezuela (China accounts for 18% of all Venezuelan exports; India accounts for 17% of all exports). And while both countries’ imports from Venezuela are understandably dominated by petroleum products, India imports more raw materials than does China from all of its largest trading partners in the region.
After Venezuela ($4.47 billion in exports to India in 2016), India’s largest sources of imports in Latin America in 2016 were Brazil ($3.37 billion), Mexico ($2.37 billion), Argentina ($2.25 billion), Chile ($1.45 billion), and Peru ($960 million). All told, raw materials account for more than 80% of total Indian imports from Brazil, more than 70% of imports from Mexico, 96% of imports from Argentina, 96% of imports from Chile, and 98% of imports from Peru.
While Chinese imports from these countries are also dominated by raw materials, it’s to a much lesser degree than Indian imports. For example, Brazil exports finished products including ships, airplanes, and helicopters to China that are worth more than the entirety of Indian imports from Brazil. The pattern is repeated in Mexico, Argentina, Chile, and Peru. (You can explore those trade relationships more in depth using MIT’s excellent Observatory of Economic Complexity).
Cross-country investment is another important measure of the strength of an economic relationship. Here too, India is still dwarfed by China. According to data from the Confederation of Indian Industry, cross-country investments between India and Latin America total roughly $23 billion. For comparison, China invested more than $60 billion in Brazil alone between 2003 and 2016.
India is, and will continue to be, an important economic partner for countries in Latin America, especially as an alternative export market for raw materials. But eight years after the IDB placed the potential for collaboration on par with the Sino-Latin America economic relationship, it’s clear that the hype that existed over the relationship at the start of the decade has died down for good reason.
While the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean should no doubt continue to diversify their markets, reduce dependence on China, and seek alternative sources of investment, it’s unlikely that India will be able to serve as an alternative to China, either as a trade partner or a source of investment, any time soon.
Article by William Naylor first appeared at Global Americans. Read the original.
Nicaragua had been hailed by many as the unrecognized economic growth story in Central America.
Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo
One of the poorest countries in the Americas, in recent years it emerged as a poster child of investment-attraction policies against the odds. The economy grew 4.7% in 2017, the fourth highest rate in all of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC).
But while macroeconomic stability allowed FDI to grow by around 4.11% between 2015 and 2016, the increasingly authoritarian government of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, paired with the instrumental, conditional support of the private sector–coalesced around the Superior Council of Private Enterprise (COSEP)–and the complacency of the Catholic Church, was a recipe for unrest.
Ortega, a former revolutionary, learned from his past mistakes in confronting the powerful private sector. And since his 2007 election, he has effectively co-governed with their support. Several scholars point to the active collaboration and endorsement of COSEP delegates in economic regulations and policies. COSEP also has official status on oversight boards for over a dozen public, or public-private, institutions.
This three-pronged alliance—state, business, and church—was extremely effective in hiding some of the signs of trouble in the Nicaraguan political and economic system, as it drew support from both upper and lower classes. Ortega guaranteed the proper environment for investment and commercial activity, with businessmen looking the other way as the government consolidated its power through electoral fraud, corruption, and hijacking democratic institutions to further of his consolidation of power.
But the truth is that no authoritarian form of government, even one favorable to big business interests, can truly benefit the majority of a population. And if power remains concentrated in but a few hands, accumulated tensions will eventually come to the foreground. The product of Ortega’s perilous alliances is the Nicaragua we see today.
Economic progress built on political and economic convenience
For a while it worked. Foreign direct investment to Nicaragua remained stable since 2011 at around US$900 million dollars a year, most of which was directed to textile and auto-parts production. This meant a direct impact on headline numbers, though human development remained an issue; Access to basic services is a daily challenge in Nicaragua, which ranks 124th in the UN’s Human Development Index.
Alarms had been sounding for a while, however, as not only citizens, but also the United States lost patience with the astonishing levels of corruption in the country.
In October 2017, the U.S. House of Representatives unanimously passed the Nicaraguan Investment Conditionality Act (the NICA Act). This was a measure to block U.S.-funded international assistance to the country until it took effective steps to promote democracy, strengthen the rule of law and respect freedom of association. Ten months later, as the humanitarian crisis continues to develop and draw attention, there are significant chances that the Senate will also move to pass the NICA Act into law. The U.S. Treasury has also imposed at least three rounds of sanctions on Ortega’s allies and operations.
From the onset of the crisis, it has been clear that the extractive model championed by Ortega was no longer sustainable. Early protests were a reaction to an overhaul of public pensions in which citizens would pay more to receive less benefits. Tensions only rose after he decided to repress mobilized citizens by the use of force.
Economic impact and economic interests
On the economic front, micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) have been hurt the most, as they face the resulting shortages from the lack of reliable land transportation both to sell their products abroad and to import essential consumption goods.
In June 2018, trade between Nicaragua and other Central American countries decreased by 51.2% compared to the same month in 2017. And transport operations moving through Nicaragua from south to north have decreased 24.2% year-on-year in June.
While the business community has now locked horns against the government and Ortega accuses them of having joined the opposition alliance–Alianza Cívica –their tepid actions against Ortega and his wife and vice-president, Rosario Murillo, send mixed signals at best.
Institutional damage at home and abroad
Abuse of power has for years weakened democratic institutions in Nicaragua. But in partnership with COSEP, it has also sabotaged regional institutions aimed at promoting development.
As part of the former administration of the Secretariat for Central American Economic Integration Nicaraguan officials helped the Council of Ministers of Transportation (COMITRAN) draft a regional policy framework to improve Central America’s infrastructure and transportation—one of the key obstacles to improving trade and investment in the sub-region.
But Nicaragua’s government tried to sabotage it on two occasions. First, it prevented a delegation of international experts from coming into the country to conduct a diagnosis of some of the key obstacles in Nicaragua’s transportation system. COSEP’s President later blocked the approval of the regional transportation policy for almost a year, arguing that the appropriate mechanisms for consultations had not been followed in Nicaragua.
This points to tensions growing in the business-government alliance since 2015. COSEP has complained over lack of consultation on a series of policy initiatives. Ortega’s economic and family interests have obviously started taking precedence over his business sector allies.
What this means for the crisis
Calls for a dialogue in Nicaragua are unlikely to bear fruit. Ortega will likely renege on any promises made as his paramilitary forces continue massacring citizens, and the opposition alliance does not have the upper hand in securing concessions.
COSEP made the mistake of trying to cozy up to a dictator. And for this they are complicit in a humanitarian crisis as seeking to take economic advantage of the government’s continuous power grab. If they are now serious in breaking ranks with Ortega, COSEP’s authorities must distance themselves from the corrupt structures that have existed, admit their responsibility in helping maintain them, and pledge to abandon those corrupt practices today and in the future.
The Catholic Church has already left Ortega’s fragile alliance. Bold action on the part of the country’s business community would place much-needed pressure on the Ortega regime to start the process of transforming the country’s institutions. It will also send a powerful warning sign to other business groups in the region: Abetting a corrupt autocrat may be good for short-term profits but ultimately it is not sustainable and inevitably leads to political fallout.
supermercado BM, en Agua Buena de Coto Brus. Gustavo Araya Mena
A 6.2 earthquake shook Costa Rica on Friday afternoon at 5:22 pm, in the southern zone. The quake was felt throughout most of the country.
Supermercado BM, in Agua Buena de Coto Brus. Gustavo Araya Mena
According to the Observatorio Vulcanológico y Sismológico de Costa Rica (Ovsicori), the epicenter was located some 5 kilometers southeast of Golfito, Puntarenas, at a depth of 21 kilometers.
The jolt was felt strongest in Corredores and San Vito de Coto Brus and throughout Puntarenas, La Unión, Cartago, Turrialba, Orotina, Tilarán, San Pedro de Barva and Pococí. It was also felt strong in Bocas del Toro and Chiriquí in Panama.
No reports of injuries or major damage were reports.
In some places store shelves were emptied, on the social media, some reported their kitchen cabinets emptied from the tremor.
Did you feel it. The RSN map indicates reports of where the quake was felt most
The Red Sismológica Nacional (RSN) also reported the quake as a 6.2, the tremor was by subduction of the Coco plate under the Caribbean plate
It noted that the area of Friday’s quake is an active zone, the last major quake to hit the area was in 1983 in Golfo Dulce.
The RSN reported an aftershock at 5:59 pm, registering 5.1, the epicenter 5 kilometers northeast of Pavon de Golfito, at a depth of 6 km; six minutes later, at 5:55 pm, a 4.0 tremor originated some 7 kilometers south of Golfito.
Mapa de intensidades preliminar del #Sismocr principal, 17-8-2018, 5:22 pm, Mag: 6,2 Mw, Prof: 21 km, 11 km al Este de Puerto Jiménez, Golfito. pic.twitter.com/uyacCHl7Sw
Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega is following the playbook of the socialist regime in Venezuela to violently crush the opposition, observers say.
Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega has refused to step down, calling early elections and has vowed to remain in power at least until his current term ends in 2021.
Since anti-government protests broke out in April, some 450 Nicaraguans have been killed as Ortega follows the Venezuelan strategy of deploying armed paramilitary gangs to enforce political control.
“Both Ortega and (Venezuelan President Nicolas) Maduro have branded opposition protesters as ‘terrorists’ and ‘vandals’ in an effort to further criminalize their movements. They have also utilized armed pro-government groups … to violently repress those in the opposition, at times with deadly force,” Parker Asmann, an analyst writing for InsightCrime, which covers criminal networks in the region, said last week.
The protests in Nicaragua “were sparked by a proposal, which has since been canceled, to cut government social welfare programs. The demonstrations have morphed into a direct challenge to Ortega’s authoritarian rule and corruption in a government in which his wife, Rosario Murillo, serves as vice president,” Martin Arostegui wrote in an analysis for The Washington Times.
Defense intelligence analysts reported that members of Ortega’s civilian paramilitary gangs were using Russian weaponry, including the latest-generation AK-103 automatic rifles, Draganov sniper rifles and RPG-7 rockets, according to Arostegui’s report.
In the town of Masaya, hooded gunmen backed by police stormed the town, invaded homes, churches, schools and hospitals and rounded up suspected government opponents. Eyewitnesses said many people were shot and some were kidnapped and said that Catholic priests trying to protect dissidents were beaten.
International human rights organizations said they are investigating reports that activist leaders are being thrown into secret prisons to be tortured or killed.
“It’s surprising that Ortega was able to put together such a sophisticated paramilitary apparatus, designed to establish plausible deniability for the government’s brutal repression, so quickly,” said Douglas Farah, an analyst in terrorism who has consulted for the Pentagon. “These parallel para-state repressive forces, operating in conjunction with the state, are a specialty of regimes in Venezuela and Cuba.”
In a speech to supporters in Managua last month, Ortega vowed to “fortify the self-defense groups” protecting his “Sandinista revolution.” He described opposition parties as “satanic sects” and called for their “exorcism.”
Sen. Marco Rubio, Florida Republican, told The Washington Times that “As Nicaragua follows Venezuela’s dangerous path, the U.S. should be prepared to take further action with our regional allies to address the threat of these regimes.”
The Ministerio Público confirmed on Friday afternoon that Paola Mora Tumminelli, former president of the Banco of Costa Rica (BCR), remains detained in cells of the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ).
Mora is being investigated on issues related to the so-called Cementazo or Chinese cement case.
Friday morning, the Fiscalia conducted nine raids on the property of the former bank president, including her residence, located in San Ramón de La Unión, Cartago, the home of her brothers in Danzas del Sol, in Curridabat and several BCR offices. The raids began at 6 am and concluded at 4 pm.
Mora is suspected of embezzlement and influence peddling
Following four years of waiting, including 14 months of construction, on Friday the Lindora bridge was inaugurated. This is a parallel bridge to the existing over the Virilla river, that connects Lindora de Santa Ana with Belen, Heredia.
However, the completion of the project that includes the expansion of the 2.2 kilometers ‘radial’ between the Virilla and the Ruta 27 is yet to get underway. That work is scheduled to start in the first quarter of 2019.
Also pending is the 1.2 km expansion from the Virilla to the cruce Panasonic.
The expansion of the road before and after the Virilla bridge are necessary to reduce congestion on this stretch of road with traffic volume of some 40,000 vehicles daily.
An example of the congestion is the time it takes from Santa Ana center to the San Jose airport. During evenings or the odd times when there is no traffic on the radial, it takes about 15 minutes to travel the 16-kilometer distance. At peak times, almost an hour.
This Friday afternoon, at 3:15 pm, Waze reported a travel time of 43 minutes. And that was with the new bridge open. Not much difference than on days prior.
The road construction to Monteverde, between Guacimal and Santa Elena, has suffered another setback, the asphalting will no longer be ready in September as promised by the previous administration.
The completion of the road to Monteverde had been promised for Christmas
The fear of the residents is that they will not have the road by Christmas as promised by the government of Luis Guillermo that began the work to this important tourist area, that was stalled from almost a decade.
In addition, they are concerned about the quality of the work.
The new concerns originated with a report from the National Laboratory of Materials and Structural Models (Lanamme) of the University of Costa Rica, according to which the material that used in the sub-base of the pavement does not meet the specifications of durability and resistance required.
The Lanamme, in its report, says they began to detect “serious” problems with the material when area residents and users of the road complained of the excessive dust coming from the works.
“We began to detect that there were serious problems with the material that was extracted from kilometer 13, it is a 17-kilometer project and there is a series of damages to neighbors and users mainly due to the dust, we began to notice that the material that was placed had technical suspicious behavior, was very fragile, fractured very easily and generated this dust problem, tests are conducted to determine the compliance of this material (…).
“We did the first test, we obtained results of non-compliance with the specifications, to be sure a subsequent test was made and with the results we obtained the confirmation that the material that was being placed did not meet the durability and resistance specifications”, explained Roy Barrantes, coordinator of the Lanamme management and evaluation unit.
This road is the only to and from the popular tourist spot of Monteverde. The road to Tilaran is not even considered as an option. From La Nacion
The engineer said that last week he warned the National Council of Roads (Conavi), the government agency, a division of the Ministry of Public Works and Transport (MOPT), about this situation, in order to take the necessary actions because this material has only been placed in two of the 17 kilometers of the project.
José Luis Vargas, coordinator of the Commission pro Carretera a Monteverde said that in the last months the activity in the project was reduced to minimum levels, as well as the presence of machinery on the site, so they fear that the road will not be delivered not even in the first quarter of next year.
“A more complex situation is that laboratory results begin to indicate that materials used do not meet technical specifications of the project, but also in June the (construction) company indicated that they have a significant deficiency in working capital (…) In mid-July which was the last meeting, management recognized a liquidity deficiency,” Vargas said.
According to the community representative, the construction company (Grupo Orosi) assured them that they were very close to solving their financial problem, that “resources were practically approved”. The promise was that the project would be reactivated in August, but until this Thursday it had not happened.
The MOPT is being tight-lipped on the situation.
However, through the Zona Alta Medios Facebook page, we’re told of the meeting between the residents of the Monteverde and the Conavi, project manager Pablo Contreras assured the residents that the material will be removed.
“Effectively the material has had its problems, which has not fully fulfilled the requirement. There are 10 requirements that the material has to comply with and it is not complying in three, but it does not mean that those three have a zero rating, it is simply that in some it is only a little that it is not fulfilling,” said Contreras.
The official said that at the time they began to build the project they had no way to verify the quality of the material and that the company in charge assured them that the product did comply, so they agreed to its placement on the condition that if it did not comply with the requirements the company had to remove it. The asphalting of the 17 kilometers of road comes at a cost of ¢6.3 billion colones and includes the paving of the road, the construction of retaining walls, placement of asphalt binder base, horizontal and vertical signaling and road safety protection systems.
The project had an initial time frame of 450 days.
The project began in 2008 with the Arias administration. Then MOPT minister Karla Gonzalez promised Monterverde they would have the road in 2009.
In 2011, then MOPT minister Francisco Jiménez in the Chinchilla Administration, facing the protests of residents, promised improvements that resulted in a gravel road to allow light transit of light vehicles.
In 2013, when then MOPT minister Pedro Castro tried to get the project up and running again, passing the buck to Carlos Segnini, in 2014, the MOPT minister in the Solis Administration, who promised bidding would start a year later. The bidding and contract award occurred in 2017.
Former president of Costa Rica, Luis Guillermo Solis and to his right, former minister of Finance, Helio Fallas
Former President Luis Guillermo Solis is being blamed for the country’s current financial situation, his government being accused of disguising the ‘real size’ of the debt facing the country in 2018.
Former president of Costa Rica, Luis Guillermo Solis and to his right, former minister of Finance and vice-president, Helio Fallas
A report by La Nacion expalins how Solis knew the situation, so much so that he moved money from one side to another to try to cover the leaks. However, he did not inform the Legislative Assembly of the situation and left the current administration a gigantic gap in the Budget.
The shortfall is almost ¢800,000 million (as figures with lots of zeros are reported in Costa Rica) because of two major problems.
Debt Swaps Last year, the Ministry of Finance (Ministerio de Hacienda) budgeted ¢1.6 billion to pay amortization of public debt in 2018, that is, to return to investors the capital they lent to the Government through the purchase of bonds that are about to expire.
However, the amount was underestimated. Actually, the payout should have been ¢1.9 billion. The Solis administration assumed that the payment of the ¢300,000 million difference could be negotiated through debt swaps.
The debt swap consists of exchanging securities that are about to expire with new long-term ones, which delays the immediate return of the capital, with the understanding that the government will pay interest for a longer time. This is an assumption that is not usually included in the National Budget since it is an expectation.
Short-term bonds (bonos in Spanish)
The second problem was the following.
The ¢1.6 billion approved by Congress to repay debt were distributed as follows:
The result is the government of Carlos Alvarado, yesterday (Thursday) completing its 100th day, scrambling to get the country’s finances in order, that includes the approval of the much needed Plan Fiscal if it is going to make any headway.
The approval of the Plan Fiscal, that includes tax reforms and cut public spending, has been a goal for the past four administrations.
According to the Central Bank of Costa Rica (BCCR) the economy will face a stunted growth and a growing public debt if legislators don’t pass the Plan Fiscal.
Paola Mora, former president of the state bank, the Banco de Costa Rica (BCR)
The case that just keeps on going. This Friday morning, the Organismo de Investigación Judicial (OIJ) and the Fiscalía (Office of the Prosecutor) are carrying out several raids on properties related to the former president of the Banco de Costa Rica (BCR), Paola Mora.
Paola Mora, former president of the state bank, the Banco de Costa Rica (BCR)
The judicial action is related to continuing investigation in the “cemento chino” or “cementazo” (Chinese cement scandal) case and, apparently, the only objective is the seizure of documents.
The Cementazo questions the loan of US$31.5 million by the the state bank to businessman Juan Carlos Bolaños and his company Sinocem Costa Rica, uncovering an alleged case of influence peddling and the relationship of the businessman with members of the three supreme powers, government house, legislators, as well as members as the major political parties.
Manners and common courtesies are magnified when dozens or even hundreds of people are confined to a tight space. Multiply that tenfold when that tight space is about to hurdle at 800 km/h (500 mph) through the air, most likely with an ocean or unforgiving mountain range sitting 30,000 feet below.
Flying requires a good amount of keeping it together, so for the benefit of everyone, including yourself, don’t let the social rules that are otherwise second nature slip away just because the process of ‘getting there’ is all that stands between you and your epic trip.
Here are the ways you’re potentially being rude while boarding a plane, and how to avoid doing so, so that you’ll be that much more relaxed while sipping a poolside cocktail with a clear conscience.
Crowding the gate when you’re not anywhere near the first boarding groups
Boarding a plane, and the flying experience in general, is a source of much anxiety for many travelers. This is understandable, even justifiable. But congregating around the corridor in front of the gate long before the attendant announces pre-boarding is doing nothing but exacerbating the problem.
All you’re doing is spreading your anxiety across everyone else waiting to board, which inevitably leads to more congregation, which then leads to mass confusion as members of the panicked horde forget their zone numbers almost without fail.
Many never quite manage to recover, instead remaining idle like a deer in headlights as those who followed the instructions on their boarding passes attempt to join their fellow zone members in some semblance of a line. The end result is that the entire process is slowed down.
Be cool and remain seated near your gate until the attendant pages your boarding zone. The staff knows exactly how many flyers have checked in for the flight, and they won’t shut the doors until after they’ve paged anyone who failed to board — you’re going to get there just like everyone else. Even if you are among the final few to board, think of it as less time sitting in your seat alternating between eyeing the airline magazine and hopelessly staring out the window.
Pushing from behind when people are loading luggage
The aisles on the plane are meant to hold exactly one person abreast at any given time. Just like you, those in front of you in line need a few seconds to safely stow their carry-ons in the overhead bin. This is going to cause a continuous and unavoidable snaking of the line as passengers are stopped by those in front of them getting to their seats.
There is no avoiding this. Pushing, walking right up against the person in front of you, or, god forbid, placing your hand on that person’s shoulder and attempting to squeeze by them, are among the most unforgivable boarding sins.
No one that saw you commit one of these atrocities is going to forget about it. Wait your turn — the guy seated ten rows in front of you isn’t going to steal your overhead storage space.
Harassing people to change seats
Flying in the cheap seats comes with its fair share of sacrifices, especially if you forgot to check in right away. Occasionally this means you’re not seated next to your bro or girlfriend, which is always a bummer but one of those things you’re much better off accepting and moving on from than raising a fuss. No one wants to trade seats with you.
Even if someone agrees to do it, they’re certainly not happy about it and are only doing it to shut you up. We’re all in this together — let the seated remain seated.
Standing up as soon as the plane lands
Unfortunately, airplane rudeness tends to extend throughout the flight, often carrying on to the baggage-claim area. Yes, I’m looking at you, guy who stands up the second the fasten seatbelt sign clicks off at the gate.
You’re 23 rows back, man, and the poor people in the seats directly behind you now have the pleasure of staring at your sweaty ass for twenty minutes while first class and those seated in the remaining 21 rows in front of you slowly make their way to the exit. Sit back down.
In an OP-ED “Nicaragua volverá a ser libre” published in El Pais, former president of Costa Rica and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Oscar Arias Sanchez says, “Freedom must be rescued from the populist threat and authoritarian delusions. We are still in time to denounce the constant abuses of the democratic system and human rights perpetrated by the regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo.”
Following is a translation by QCostarica of the article.
The Legislative Assembly of my country declared August 7 as a Day of Firm and Lasting Peace (Día de la Paz Firme y Duradera). For the generation that lived that time, which supported our efforts to achieve (in 1987) the signing of the Peace Plan (Plan de Paz), this date will be a warning that will forever mark those years of pain and dreams.
But this declaration is perhaps more important for the new generations. Because no Costa Rican over 40 needs to be reminded of the horrors of war. No one needs to be described the parades of coffins, because they saw them in the news. No one needs to be told about the waves of migrants and displaced people, because they met them in person. No one needs to be told of the sound of a machine gun, the smoke after a shooting, the faces of mothers looking for their children among the dead lined on the ground, decomposing in the open air.
We are still in time to denounce the constant abuses of the democratic system and human rights perpetrated by the regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo. Oscar Arias Sanchez
Tragically, today a new generation of Nicaraguan brothers has looked into these abysses. To those young people who today are in the sights of snipers and on the route of the paramilitary caravans, I send them all my strength and my support.
Do not doubt, the young of Nicaragua: Central America is on your side. And on your side is also history. There is a better future for Nicaragua. It is not an automatic future. It is a future that is worked with the mind, with the spirit and with the hands.
The sad retreat of Nicaragua reminds us that peace cannot be taken for granted. That freedom must be constantly rescued from the threat of populism and authoritarian delusions. In the defense of democracy, rest is not possible. We must watch over it and guard it; because what is built during the day can easily be destroyed at night. What our eyes see at sunset, may not be there at the first break of dawn.
The lack of consolidation of democracy in Central America became more evident when Daniel Ortega won (in 2016) his third consecutive term as head of the Government of Nicaragua with the favor of the Electoral Tribunal and the disqualification of the opposition.
I witnessed the triumph of the Sandinista revolution and the deluge of hope that it unleashed in Nicaragua.
A few years later, I led the negotiation process that culminated in the signing of peace in Central America. And my eyes cannot believe that all that has led to today’s pantomime.
It was not for this that Sandino died.
It was not for this that the coffins were paraded in Jinotepe, Leon, Masaya, and Managua. We have an outstanding debt with the Nicaraguan people, to whom we promised a better life with the transition to democracy.
Because democracy, to be effective, must be an exercise in reciprocity. It is at the moment of the threat where you have to raise your voice. Later, it may be too late.
We are still in time to raise our voices and denounce the constant abuses of the democratic system and human rights currently perpetrated by the regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo.
We still have time to support the Nicaraguan people who have taken to the streets to demand a change by a Government that has been systematically undermining the foundations of democracy; a corrupt and murderous government that amasses power and wealth in front of a people that continues to suffer the scourge of misery.
I do not know how the demonstrations of dissatisfaction of the Nicaraguan people with the Ortega government will end. The first thing that must end is the repression. The release of all detainees during the demonstrations should occur and the dialogue should be resumed as soon as possible.
In Nicaragua, a very powerful popular force has emerged, made up of university students. They are young Nicaraguans, boys 15, 18 and 20 years old, who are giving the world a moving sample of sacrifice, commitment, and love of freedom.
I hold the hope that the dialogue will allow finding a peaceful solution to the terrible situation in Nicaragua. Thirty-one years ago, when we fought for peace in Central America, it was the students who first came out to defend our cause and fight for it.
I have full confidence that, at the end of the road, Nicaraguan students will once again raise the flag of their country in peace and democracy.
Óscar Arias Sánchez was president of Costa Rica from 1986 to 1990 and from 2006 to 2010; and 1987 Nobel Peace Prize for the pacification of Central America.
The Caja Costarricense de Seguro Social (CCSS) – Costa Rican Social Security Fund, will be out on Sundays for blood donors to meet the demands of the medical centers.
The CCSS seeks to maintain reserves and thus guarantee the condition of patients who need transfusions.
This Sunday, August 19, from 8 a.m. to noon, the Banco Nacional de Sangre (National Blood Bank) will be in Tejar del Guarco, Cartago; on Sunday, Sept. 2, it will be at the Cruz Roja Costarricense de San Ignacio de Acosta (San Jose) starting at 7:30 in the morning.
Danny Cabezas, a doctor from the National Blood Bank, said that to donate blood, donors must be between 18 and 65 years old, weigh more than 50 kilos, have not eaten up to 12 hours prior to the donation and not have ingested liquor in 48 hours prior.
People can donate blood up to four times a year and in each donation.
Specialists promote the country to invest in prevention as disasters are increasing and have a strong impact on public finances through financial protection instruments
According to data from the Comisión Nacional de Emergencias (CNE) – National Emergency Commission, total losses due to the Hurricane Otto almost two years ago, amounted to ¢130 billion colones, while Tropical Storm Nate last October required an investment of around ¢309 billion colones, without taking into account It counts the recent events by the passage of several tropical waves on national territory.
Specialists taking part in the X Forum On Risk encourage the government to invest in prevention as disasters are increasing and have a strong impact on public finances.
Strongly advocating for prevention as a solution to the problems facing the country with natural disasters, the CNE held the X Foro Nacional sobre Riesgo (X Forum on Risk) with emphasis on analyzing the increasingly recurring impact of disasters on public finances and, therefore, the importance of investing in the issues of reduction, preparation and recovery in order to contribute to the development of the country and the well-being of the Costa Rican population.
More than 300 people from public and private institutions and organized civil society participated in the forum.
The X Risk Forum is an annual event that functions as an accountability mechanism to outline the work of the CNE and the National Risk Management System (SNRG), made up of 349 public institutions, 78 from the private sector and 26 organizations of civil society.
September 1 is the deadline for businesses in Costa Rica to adopt the Factura Electrónica –
to move to the electronic invoice system and, if not, will be exposed to millions of colones in fines.
For all professional workers, such as lawyers, engineers, accountants, etc., the Factura Electrónica has been in force since last May, when a new law entered into force obliging taxpayers to stop using paper invoices.
By the end of November, all registered taxpayers (both corporate and personal), including landlords of income property, noth residential and commercial, must adopt the Factura Electrónica.
Scammers look for popular platforms in the world for victims, the latest coming to our attention is targeting users of Netflix.
The scam works this way: First, users are sent an email or text message alerting them that their service will be temporarily until they update their payment method and are direct it to a link where they can do so.
The use, worried about not being able to access their account and lose the latest episode of the series they are watching, for example, will rush to click on the link, taken to a fake page where they will enter the data requested, which is used by the scammers to commit fraud.
This is called Phishing.
Netflix, on its website, recommends that if you suspect you have received a fraudulent email or text message that appears to be from Netflix, follow these tips to keep your information safe and secure, and follow the steps below to report the message:
Never enter your login or financial details after following a link in an email or text message. If you’re unsure if you’re visiting our legitimate Netflix website, type www.netflix.com directly into your web browser.
Never click on any links or open any attachments in an email or text message you received unexpectedly, regardless of the source.
If you suspect an email or text message is not from Netflix, do not reply to it.
Report any suspicious emails or text messages here.
Reduce the risk
To block the possibility of being a victim of electronic fraud, consider the following recommendations:
Have antivirus always installed on computers, cellular phones and tablets
Change passwords periodically
Do not use the same password for different platforms
Passwords should be unique and not easy to guess.
In Costa Rica there are some 110,000 Netflix accounts, according to a study by Red 506 by El Financiero.
The house where a man, identified by his last name Carpio, suspect in the killing of 15-year-old Jesus Mora, lived was burned down by residents who didn’t want him near them.
Residents say the suspect lived in an abandoned house owned by a family member, to get high, cook and sleep, in Calles Los Mora, in La Herediana de Siquirres, in the province of Limon.
“We buried my son on Thursday. When we returned, we realized that they had set fire to his house, we did not know who (did it), the neighbors what they are saying is that they do not want to see him anymore,” said Rafael Mora, Jesus’ father.
The concern of Don Rafael and his family, as it appears his neighbors also, is that Carpio will return to inflict more pain and sadness to their community.
“I have to sleep with the light on because I am afraid, Jesus was a boy loved by all, we are afraid that this man will return, he is not crazy because a crazy person does not plan something so cruel,” said a neighbor named Mora.
The neighbors say that they will not lower their guard, although they hope that justice will not forgive this murder and there will be a sentence.
Yulia Kriger, Russia’s Barbie, was suspected of anorexia by an army of fans worried about the blonde from Novosibirsk, the girl who looks like a barbie doll, has grown very thin and began to weigh less than 40 kilograms [88 lbs.]
As if it were a déjà vu, many of those who suffered exile and the underground (‘clandestinaje’) during Somocismo (the state of Nicaragua under the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza García), reedit their situation at the moment with the dictatorship of Daniel Ortega.
Mothers ask for their children captured by the National Guard of Anastasio Somoza in 1978. An image that has been repeated forty years later. PHOTO: La Prensa / Archive / Courtesy Instituto de Historia Militar
Oscar René Vargas is one of them. He saved Daniel Ortega’s life once. It was in November of 1967.
In that November, the “guardia somocista” (Somoza national guard) unleashed a fierce hunt in response to the murder of Sergeant Gonzalo Lacayo carried out by a Sandinista command, among which was Daniel Ortega and Vargas.
They we were out for blood.
Following a lead, on November 4 they (national guard) came onto a house in Monseñor Lezcano and captured four Sandinista guerrillas: Casimiro Sotelo, Roberto Amaya, Edmundo Pérez and Hugo Medina.
Only Perez had participated in the execution of Sergeant Lacayo. They did not care. The four of them were executed on the shore of the lake.
The next day, the Somoza newspaper Novedades reported four guerrillas killed in combat against the national guard.
A few blocks from the house where they captured four Sandinistas who later executed, Daniel Ortega and Iván Turcios were hidden and oblivious to what was happening,. Oscar René Vargas and his brother Adolfo rescued them shortly before the national guard reached the safe house.
In some private conversations, Ortega has acknowledged: “Oscar René saved my life”.
Today, however, Oscar René Vargas is in hiding in a safe house, fleeing from the man who he saved his life that time. He returned to his underground days.
As Somoza
“The generalized repression applied by the Ortega-Murillo regime, resembles the repression unleashed by the dictatorship in 1956, after the attack against Somoza García, when his sons unleashed a repression against all opponents and made up charges against many people. In those moments, the generalized repression of the Somoza dictatorship took prisoners of all those they could. However, never, as far as I remember, were the relatives ever taken prisoner. Much less, did Somoza go against the Catholic Church,” says Oscar René Vargas, a sociologist and veteran Sandinista.
Deja vu
In October 1977, Dora María Téllez entered from Honduras with a guerrilla cell whose purpose was to take the border city of Ocotal. Daniel Ortega was also in the cell. An unexpected incident caused the guerrillas to clash with the national guard shortly before reaching Ocotal, on the San Fabian ranch. It was a deadly ambush for the national guard. Téllez, 21, was handling an M30 machine gun. Ortega, 31, led with other commanders, from a hill about 300 meters from the farm.
The raid was part of an ambitious plan of the ‘tendencia tercerista’ of the Sandinista Front called “Ofensiva de Octubre” (October Offensive) that aimed to take several cities and from there to advance, in a generalized insurrection, that would overthrow Somoza and allow the installation of a provisional government. The plan failed militarily, but it turned out to be a good propaganda coup to show that the guerrillas who, until then lived in hiding, were alive and active.
Dora María Téllez, on the left, participated as a guerrilla of the Sandinista Front in the takeover of the National Palace on August 22, 1978. Here along with another member of the commando: Walter Ferreti, alias Chombo. La Prensa / Archive
Now Téllez fears for her life. She has received multiple threats from the regime led by her former comrade-in-arms. In the official propaganda she is made out to be the grand leader of the social rebellion against the regime. The police has mentioned her several times as responsible for “vandalism terrorism” that, according to them, the country suffers, and in more than one video made from the dungeons of El Chipote prison, some inmates have appeared repeating, with an obligation on their face, the official libretto thatholds her responsible as the leader of “criminal activities”.
The fear is not only to fall prisoner, but, says Téllez, that someone murders her in the streets as happened to Carlos Guadamuz in 2004.
As if it were a déjà vu, Dora María Téllez again hides, as she did 40 years ago, from a regime that wants to kill her or imprison her.
Forty years later
The ghost of exile and the undergound camps out again in Nicaragua. One hundred days after the rebellion, the Asociación Nicaragüense para los Derechos Humanos (ANPDH) – Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights – reported the disappearance of at least 718 people throughout the country.
“These are kidnappings executed by unauthorized armed groups known as parapolicias,” the report said. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) described this hunt as the “third phase” of the repression in Nicaragua.
Many former fighters against the Somocistas have seen their days of persecution, threats, imprisonment, torture and exile come back to life.
Almost 40 years ago, “Alfredo” – a resident of Masaya who for security reasons asked us to call him that -, lived the insurrection in Monimbó. He says that what is happening now is like watching the same movie over again.
A few months ago he saw again the population overturned in that brave neighborhood, as in February 1978, and now he is fleeing to save his life because there is an arrest warrant for him, and hooded paramilitaries have come to his house to look for him.
Three phases
The executive secretary of the IACHR, Paulo Abrão, classified the phases of the repression of the Daniel Ortega regime in Nicaragua in three stages.
First phase: It lasted until mid-June, and was expressed in a “traditional repression with the excessive use of police force directly against the protesters”.
Second phase: According to Abrão, it includes the so-called “Operación Limpieza” (Operation Clean-up) that the Ortega regime developed, with the purpose of eliminating the tranques (roadblocks) through the use of paramilitaries and police against the civilian population.
Third phase: Consists of the use of State institutions, the Police, the Prosecutor’s Office and the Judicial System, to criminalize the protesters. It also includes the approval in the National Assembly of an anti-terrorism law, which, according to the United Nations (UN), could be used to persecute peaceful protests.
“There has been a process of transformation of the most crude, most explicit repression, a process of bureaucratic repression, using the institutions themselves, the justice system to arrest people, promote actions and judicial processes against them,” Abrão said.
Like the repression of 1956
Oscar Rene Vargas remembers those days, when the national guard chased him because a partner gave them away during an interrogation. “For security, my brother and I were in different homes. In the house of people who had no known political militancy, but in silent opposition, to the Somoza dictatorship.”
Then he went into exile.
50 years ago, Oscar René Vargas saved Daniel Ortega when an operation by the National Guard was about to catch him. Now Vargas flees from whom he saved his life, because the rest of the caught 50 years ago were executed. La Prensa / URIEL Molina
“Having lived that experience, we have applied the same logic of seeking refuge today. The most important thing is to have patience and discipline. Be clear that time is indeterminate. Because there is no end date to the current situation of generalized repression, we must be prepared to remain in hiding.”
According to Vargas, the repression of the Ortega-Murillo regime only resembles the repression of 1956, after the attack against Somoza García.
“At that time, the generalized repression of the Somoza dictatorship took prisoners of all those they could. However, never, as far as I remember, the relatives were never taken prisoner. Much less that Somoza lashed out against the Catholic Church,” he says.
“Currently, I am hiding again to avoid the blind and indiscriminate repression of the Ortega-Murillo regime. There is no specific charge against me, but that is not necessary, later they make it up.”
It establishes a fundamental difference with the repression of before and now.
“In the Somoza period, I understand it because we conspired to overthrow by force (of arms), now it is a civic and peaceful struggle,” says Vargas.
Hiding
Dora María Téllez, commander “Claudia” in the guerrilla, believes that what is now is not an underground, but “hiding”.
“The underground experience was inherent to those who opted for armed struggle and it was a different experience in the mountains than in the cities,” she says.
One of the injuries that Ortega’s tyranny has caused young people is to have forced them to go through the experience of killing their friends, the persecution, the obligation to hide. ” Dora María Téllez, ex-guerrillera
“It was very difficult because then it supposed a very high level of isolation, scarce communication and with many complications and a very high risk for each. There were few safe houses and the movement was quite problematic because of the risk of being detected. The underground at that time was structural, a state in which you could spend many years,” she explains. “The difference now is that all people who own a cell phone can have communication like WhatsApp or say something in their social networks.”
“Alfredo”, now 57 years old, who began being a runner of Commander Hilario Sanchez in the insurrections of Masaya, says he did not imagine, at his age, living this again a situation of persecution. “I am accused of terrorism and related crimes by another dictatorship that crossed the line of legality and acts the same as the dictatorship we fought decades ago,” he explains through whatsapp messages.
He is hiding. In “refrescamiento,” he says. But his intention is to return to the fight soon. “To the civic struggle,” he clarifies.
Dora María Téllez says that she takes security precautions “because Ortega has unleashed his fury against me. They invent that I am in places that I have not been in in years. ”
In 1977, the year she participated in that guerrilla cell with Daniel Ortega, Téllez was tried in absentia for the crime of “conspiracy to commit a crime” and sentenced to seven years in prison. She remembers, however, that the public defender, a military officer, did his best to defend her. “Now there is no law at all,” she says.
“I think one of the injuries that the tyranny of Ortega has caused, has forced young people to go through the experience of the killing of their friends, the persecution, the obligation to hide, the feeling that their youth has been interrupted, in a tremendous way. I, who lived before similar a situation would not have wanted, never, that the youth of today, live it. ”
The foregoing is a translation of the article “El clandestinaje en Nicaragua en tiempos de Daniel Ortega” published in La Prensa Domingo, Sunday, August 12, 2018. Read the original.
Latin American broadcaster Telesur, headquartered in Venezuela, said its English language page was deleted by Facebook without any explanation.
“Facebook has delete[d] our Facebook page for the second time this year without any explanation. Please spread the word and help us get our page back,” the broadcaster said Monday on Twitter.
The removal of the broadcaster’s page comes on the heels of Facebook deciding to block InfoWars accounts, a move joined by YouTube and Apple. InfoWars founder Alex Jones has become famous with his largely discredited conspiracy theories.
Facebook faced sharp criticism in March after it emerged that personal data of about 50 million of its users had been harvested by Cambridge Analytica without their permission via a special app. The information was allegedly used to help target political advertising. In early April, Facebook estimated the number of users affected at around 87 million.
In late July, Facebook shares slumped more than 20 percent after its second-quarter report showed a slowdown in the company’s revenue and growth of its active users database.
The Asamblea Nacional de Nicaragua (Nicaragua’s National Assembly) on Tuesday approved a drastic cut to the national budget because of the economic impact of months of anti-government unrest.
The legislators approved a 9.2% reduction of the Ley Anual de Presupuesto General de la República 2018 (2018 budget), projecting US$180 million less in spending to partly make up for a drop of US$220 million in government income.
The vote was 75 in favor, 15 against and zero abstentions.
The cuts will affect government agencies such as the ministries of Education, Health and Public Works like in new roads.
It was the steepest cut seen in the past 11 years that President Daniel Ortega has been in power.
The minister for finance and public credit, Ivan Acosta, blamed the reduction on protesters accused of trying to stage a “coup” against Ortega’s government.
Acosta said that before the protests, the economy had been expected to grow 4.3% this year. The government has now lowered that target to 1%.
The minister told the National Assembly that the fallout from the unrest had forced 8,700 small businesses to close.
Acosta added that the socio-political crisis in Nicaragua has left losses of US$525 million between April and July, as well as causing the loss of 119,567 jobs, of which 71,000 were workers affiliated to the Nicaraguan Institute of Social Security (INSS).
The tourism sector along has lost US$235 million, according to Acosta.
The private sector estimates that 200,000 people were left unemployed by the continuing crisis.
Acosta said the budget cuts would not affect social spending, public investment or the level of government employment.
“This reform is tough,” he said. “Right now we are working on the premise that the country is returning in the direction of normality and stability.”
Fiscal and tax reform was needed to make up for the diminished growth, he added, warning that “those who must pay will be made to pay.”
That warning appeared to be aimed at Nicaragua’s business owners who have abandoned Ortega because of the deadly violence ordered against the protesters.
Cacique Guaro is the “guaro de los Ticos”. At least it once was. The brand was also the “star product” and the financial flow of the Fábrica Nacional de Licores (FANAL) – National Liquor Factory – and that kept afloat its parent company, the state institution, the Consejo Nacional de Producción (CNP) – National Production Council.
The Cacique Guaro is a sugar cane liquor of high purity and is, was, the best selling distilled spirit in Costa Rica. As it has a neutral taste, guaro can be consumed pure or combined (‘ligado’ in Spanish) with any natural or artificial mixing, such as soda.
The product was conceived in 1853 by the FANAL, produced and sold in barrels to agencies, which in turn placed it in bars and other outlets in the containers provided by clients. The alcohol content was 35°.
Since August 1980, FANAL has marketed the liquor in a one-liter glass bottle with a low ABV of 30° and since then is sold under the name of Guaro Cacique (with a red label). Cacique is also available in 750 ml (glass) and 365 ml (plastic) bottles often called “Pacha”.
The Cacique Superior (with black label) is 35 abv/70 proof. Its design is based on high purity rubbing alcohol and subjected to further purification, in which the liquor is filtered through activated carbon to increase its purity and perfect its aroma.
The guaro in Costa Rica is associated with the name Cacique, that the indigenous society refers to the leader of the tribe and sometimes called “Cuatro Plumas”, for the four feathered Indian Cacique on the label. Even though the real name is “Guaro Cacique”, people in Costa Rica just call it “Guaro”.
But is Guaro Cacique still the “guaro de los Ticos”?
According to figures, sales have dropped. Big time. The star product sales went from 1.6 million boxes of 12 liters, in 2000, to 450,000 a year now (a decrease of 72%).
This situation has further depressed the plummeting finances of the CNP, which to rescue its finances is betting on a new product, ethanol.
The CNP is pitching ethanol to the Refinadora Costarricense de Petróleo (Recope) – Costa Rican Refinery – to be used in more environmentally friendly fuel.
“Diversification must be. If we do not transform, we disappear. The main support of the CNP is FANAL. If FANAL depends on a product (guaro Cacique) that is disappearing, leaving or in a lesser market, we get into trouble. We have to have the vision to diversify FANAL to continue giving support to the programs of the CNP “, indicated Rogis Bermúdez, president of the CNP.
But why have sales fallen so much?
According to data from the Policía de Control Fiscal (PCF) – Tax Police – it is contraband. The PCF reports the seizure of contraband liquors went up. For example, in 2010, 15,000 liters were confiscated; in 2016 that figure increased to 285,000 liters.
Another problem is that since 2017, Guaro Cacique ceased to be an export product due to a decision of the CNP Board of Directors. The decision was taken after a criminal investigation was opened to determine if there were irregularities in granting discounts and exports of the product.
The state company also blames the creation of “diverse legislation related to the scope of the establishment of laws on liquor-soft drinks-beers; as well as complementary guidelines of the Tax Administration Code,” that caused a significant detriment in Fanal’s competitiveness.
In 2017, the CNP recorded a loss of ¢5.1 billion colones: ¢1.9 CNP and ¢3.2 FANAL.
At stake are the jobs of 420 people which depend on the central government shoring up CNP finances, diminishing over the years as the government faces its own financial problems.
For example, in 2014 the CNP received a financial injection of ¢7.9 billion, while in 2017, only ¢200 million.
According to Bermudez, the FANAL has a capacity to produce 10,000 liters of ethanol daily, which would allow them to put their entire plant to work, which currently is working at half capacity or stopped 50% of the time, depending on your point of view.
If you have followed this story so far, you are wondering why doesn’t the FANAL diversify, why depend on one brand or product?
Which bring us to the real problem of this state-run operation.
The Cacique brand represents only 26% of the FANAL production, the other 74% is focused on the production of antiseptic alcohol, alcohol for the Costa Rican Social Security Fund (CCSS), the state medical service, some creams such as Perfect Love, Mint and Triple Sec, flavorings and the drink known as “chiliguaro”.
Can you guess what the real problem is?
Drink up. Next time you are in the grocery store, pick up a box of guaro. At the local watering hole, don’t order a Johnny or Jim, get a guaro instead.
Advocates for a Latin American embrace of Indian trade and investment tend to make the argument that India is a more responsible economic partner that has more to offer than resource extraction. But Indian imports from their largest trading partners in Latin America are even less diverse than those of their Chinese counterparts.
Mora is being investigated on issues related to the so-called Cementazo or Chinese cement case.
The CCSS seeks to maintain reserves and thus guarantee the condition of patients who need transfusions.
For all professional workers, such as lawyers, engineers, accountants, etc., the Factura Electrónica has been in force since last May, when a new law entered into force obliging taxpayers to stop using paper invoices.
Since August 1980, FANAL has marketed the liquor in a one-liter glass bottle with a low ABV of 30° and since then is sold under the name of Guaro Cacique (with a red label). Cacique is also available in 750 ml (glass) and 365 ml (plastic) bottles often called “Pacha”.